conqueror, better known in the West as Tamerlane, took Herat in about 1393, initiating its greatest era under Timurid rule, when it became a center of science and culture. The mi’raj manuscript illustrations are a product of the Herat school, a style of
The present paper aims at giving a wide-scale review and a detailed discussion of the Japanese and Chinese studies on the Timurid — Ming Chinese contacts. The reason for this choice of subject is twofold. Firstly, the study of the Timurid — Ming relations may not only be interesting for the scholars of this particular period in East- and Central Asia, but also for those who desire to obtain a better understanding about the history of the Sino — foreign relations in general. Secondly, while the Western literature of the subject provides studies on so-called “easy-to-read” languages (English, German, French, and Russian), related studies in the Chinese and Japanese literature have never been properly summarised and discussed together. Therefore, the present paper attempts to fill in this gap by providing a detailed review of the Japanese and Chinese studies in which the level of theorisation and approach to the Timurid — Ming Chinese relations will also be discussed, wherever possible.
This article revisits the complex oeuvre of the Timurid historian Sharaf al-Dīn’ Alī Yazdī. Yazdī is most famous for two chronicles that he wrote: The Ẓafarnāma, which mainly includes a biography of Timur, and the Muqaddima, a work devoted mainly to the history of Chinggis Khan and his descendants. However, recent studies have demonstrated that Yazdī left behind three other historical works or parts thereof: the Dībācha, the Second Maqāla, and the fragments of the Fatḥnāma-yi Humāyūn found in the Dīvān-i Sharaf. In this article, I argue that Yazdī could not finish his historical project and all the extant works written by him are fragments of a larger historical project. I also attempt to shed light on how they are related to each other, and propose a tentative chronology for the composition of each fragment.
The aim of this paper is to reconstruct the history of the Jöchid, placing emphasis on the “inner sources of the Jöchid”, especially on the Chingīz-nāma. First, we re-examine the essence of the term “Golden Horde”, and make an attempt to point out that the appellation “Golden Horde” used for the Jöchid may go back to earlier times than the late 16th century. Secondly, it is demonstrated that the Jöchid had been divided into Right and Left Wings after the reign of Toqtagha at the latest and this structure continued even after the unification of both wings by Toqtamïsh, a fact that historians in the Timurid Empire were also well aware of. Thirdly, the study shows that, at least by the late 14th century, it was recognised that the “White Horde” referred to the Right Wing or the entire Jöchid, while the “Blue Horde” to the Left Wing.
The paper discusses the
Gul u Navrūz
romance cycle, presenting its reception history in Čaġatay and Ottoman literature. Comparing the elaborations of this picaresque mystical love story, it tries to understand (1) what might have appealed to poets to write their own version of it, (2) how the story found its way from Persian into the Čaġatay and Ottoman Turkish literary canon, (3) how it disappeared from court literature, to resurface in East Anatolian folk literature, and (4) what the aesthetic concepts of the individual authors were and how they differed from one another. Also elaborated is the interrelation of Persian and Turkish literature on the one hand, and of Ottoman and Timurid literature on the other.
The article investigates whether the Tuzūkāt-i Tīmūrī, a Persian work that became popular in Mughal India, was translated from a Turkic original written during Timur's reign. There are two possible hypotheses regarding the origin of the work: Abū Tālib really found a Turkic manuscript, he revised and translated it into Persian, producing the work entitled Vāqi'āt-i Sāhib-Qirānī, which under the titles of Malfūzāt or Tuzūkāt enjoyed great popularity in Mughal India. The other, more likely hypothesis is that no Turkic original did ever exist, as its existence cannot definitively be evidenced by the analysis of the text. In this case Abū Tālib merely compiled his work by utilising Timurid sources and his personal knowledge of contemporary Safavid Iran and Mughal India. In the following, the article submits the Turco-Mongolian military terms of the work to a thorough analysis on the basis of which three layers are distinguished in the work. The first layer undoubtedly goes back to the Timurid period: the compiler knew and heavily drew on the Zafarnāma of Šaraf al-Dīn 'Alī Yazdī. The second layer of the work derives from Safavid Iran. Abū Tālib Turbatī, the compiler of the work descended from Khorasan and may have been greatly impressed by the reforms of Shah 'Abbās I (1588-1629) the innovations of whom could be stimulating for him in compiling his work. The third layer is represented by the Mughal India. That the work became so widespread in India is a monument to the credit of the Mughal state-ideology, and it indicates how vigorous the Timur-cult was even in the middle of the 17th century. Nevertheless, it is questionable whether the contemporary readers considered the Tuzūkāt a serious historical work, or rather regarded it as a piece of popular fiction, the adventures and decrees of a well-known historical hero.
In his article “Burāq depicted as A. muscaria in a Fifteenth Century Timurid Illuminated Manuscript?,” Alan Piper present evidence of enthogenic roots within Islamic traditions derived from Turkey and Afghanistan. These influences are expressed in