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Sposalizio, the piece opening the “Italian year” of Franz Liszt's Années de pèlerinage (first published in 1858), is one of the most analyzed and interpreted compositions in this piano cycle. Much attention has been paid to its connection with the painting of the same title by Raphael, which was printed as an internal title page for the piece's first edition at the explicit request of the composer. This connection has inspired many studies on the relationship between image and music, reinforcing the notion of Sposalizio as a musical realization of Raphael's painting as seen by Liszt for the first time in February 1838 at the Pinacoteca di Brera in Milan. Adopting a critical view of the hermeneutical tradition, which has an impact on the interpretation of the piece still today, and assuming that its composition began in Weimar only around 1848, the article proposes an alternative reading of the piece. By connecting pictorial and musical elements, Sposalizio seems to evoke several cultural discourses and practices fundamental to Liszt's artistic and biographical background, such as Raphael's image as a genius, the revival of Marian devotion, and marriage as a sacrament of the Catholic Church.

Radamos (Radmožanci) is a village with a population of 254, inhabited by Hungarians of Roman Catholic religion, in the territory of present-day Slovenia bordering on Hungary. József Füle, a local inhabitant, experienced the apparition of Mary alone on June 15, 1947. The news spread immediately and in the summer of 1947 great numbers of people from the surrounding Hungarian, Croatian and Slovenian villages came regularly to visit the tree, and the Virgin Mary appeared to many of them, including a large number of children. The communist authorities of Yugoslavia at that time took a dim view of spontaneously organised pilgrimages with religious content: they imprisoned a number of people. The principal goal of the article, in addition to presenting the events of 1947, is to analyse the process whereby the apparitions live on in individual and collective memory, and the forms of manifestation found today, more than half a century after the apparitions. The authors also wish to interpret the process in which the pilgrimage site was transformed from the mid-1990s.

In the present paper, the Latin source of the Marian Sermons written by Jan of Szamotuły (c. 1480–1519) is identified and discussed. The collection of Sermons, survived in a manuscript dated to the early 16th century, consists of a number of texts concerning the Immaculate Conception, the Nativity, the Holy Name, and the Life of the Blessed Virgin Mary. Although closely related to medieval scholastic treatises in their structure and theological content, the Sermons were generally believed to be Jan of Szamotuły’s own work. However, the author of this paper argues that the actual source of this collection was a volume of sermons Stellarium coronae Benedictae Mariae Virginis written by the Hungarian Franciscan Pelbárt of Temesvár (c. 1435–1504). The two texts are compared with a view of identifying the characteristic features of the Polish translation. The paper also discusses some issues concerning the date and circumstances of the creation of the collection of Sermons.

Abstract

The Vienna Hours, illuminated by the artist known as the “Master of Mary of Burgundy”, was originally commissioned by Margaret of York. The later parts of the manuscript commemorate the love and marriage between Mary of Burgundy and Maximilian of Habsburg, and their (newborn or expected) child.

The miniatures and texts in question convey the same idea expressed on several occasions by the official historian, Jean Molinet: in the Burgundian court, the duchess was venerated as the Virgin Mary (and in consequence of this, Maximilian – and Philip – came to be revered as the Saviour, and Frederick III, Holy Roman Emperor, as the Father). Underlying the tendency to identify Mary of Burgundy with the Virgin Mary was the situation of Burgundy and its heiress, which was understood by means of salvation-historical analogies. In the book of hours, the figures of the two Marys are conflated several times in a variety of ways (fols. 14v, 19v, 43v, 94v, 99v). The hymn in praise of the heavenly joys of the Virgin Mary, which is organically related to the frontispiece image, is thus (also) a chanted sequence for the eternal beatitude of the young bride. The painter conjured up the imaginary figure of Maximilian in the foreground of the two miniatures with window scenes, while the jewels in the border around the image of the Crucifixion scene allude to Margaret of York. These miniatures have a playful tone (as evidenced by the role-swapping between the Marys, the book-within-a-book, picture-within-a-picture, vision-within-a-vision, trompe l’oeil solutions, and the complex dialogue between objects, materials and locations).

There are a number of factors supporting the argument that the miniatures, hitherto attributed to the Master of Mary of Burgundy, were illuminated by Hugo van der Goes, who was a resident of the Red Cloister at the time, and that he was commissioned by the Austrian Archduke. The date of 1478 is rendered likely by stylistic and biographical factors (the paintings Hugo made in the cloister, both before and after, his later illness, the visit of Maximilian, the birth of Philip the Handsome). It was also at this time that Jean Molinet wrote Le Chappellet des dames, which makes multiple comparisons between the duchess and the Virgin Mary, and whose imagery is often echoed in the folios of the Vienna Hours. It is possible that the first (co-)owner of the manuscript was Maximilian of Habsburg.

In the last few decades in more and more churches and places of pilgrimage books with different names can be found. There are personal prayers, thanksgivings to God, Virgin Mary and Saints in them. This is a special modern form of communication with the Transcendent which is more and more widespread in Hungary. What brings somebody to write his or her most inner thoughts, problems and suffering into a book which is available for everybody entering the church or the chapel? Who are these people? The study is looking for the answers to these questions.

The Christian Museum in Esztergom preserves an epitaph depicting the Death of the Virgin Mary. The panel painting, dated by its inscription to 1498, was ordered by Stephan Geinperger, then burgher of Wiener Neustadt, for his deceased wife, Dorothea Gerolt. The donor’s name was for a long time misread as “Heinperger”, thus hindering his identification. The correct transcription made it possible to reveal information about the person of the donor and detect his family and their kinship network in the contemporary written documents. Based on the inscription and the archival material in Wiener Neustadt, Knittelfeld, Nuremberg, Passau and other related towns, the lives of Geinperger and his wife could be reconstructed and a stepfamily could be identified. In addition, the original placement of the epitaph was determined as was the social topography of the related families in Wiener Neustadt, including their economic and social importance. Moreover, art historical analysis placed the painting in the artistic milieu of the wider region.

Spanish name-giving is still very traditional. A historic and a geographic influence can often be seen, but also the saint of birthday is important. The percentage of the Virgin's advocations is still today very high with females. Variation in men's names is limited to more or less ten different hagiographic ones. The influence of actors' names from television-series and films is notable, but comparably of little importance. Therefore the celebration of the namesday is still today more important than a birthday party. Specially the names which refer to the Virgin Mary are only understandable in the Spanish language. They cannot be translated. Interesting development of surnames as Sanchez, Gonzalez or others, which derive from names like Sancho, Gonzalo.

Text kanonickej vizitácie sleduje farnosti Užhorod (Ужгород), Vojnatina, Onokovce (Оноківці), Senné, Pavlovce nad Uhom, Ratovce (Ратівці), Jovra (Ёр, dnes Сторожниця) a Ruská.

V Užhorode bol chrám zasvätený svätému Jurajovi, ktorý sa nachádzal na soľnej ulici. Vo vnútri chrámu boli umiestnené tri väčšie a dva menšie oltáre. Väčšie oltáre boli zasvätené svätému Ladislavovi, sv. Štefanovi, sv. Jurajovi a sv. Panne Márii. Menšie oltáre boli zasvätené sv. Alžbete, sv. Kataríne a sv. Jánovi Nepomuckému so svätou Rozáliou a Kristom v uprostred.

Farnosť Jovra mala farský chrám zasvätený Panne Márii Kráľovnej. Chrám bol murovaný a mal tri oltáre. Prvý bol zasvätený Panne Márii, menšie boli zasvätené sv. Barbore a sv. Šebastiánovi. V Jovre vyučoval učiteľ Michal Kertés, ktorý bol platený v naturáliách a jedným florénom.

Farnosť Ratovce mala murovaný chrám v hroznom stave. Chrám sa rekonštruoval v roku 1734 a oltár bol bez obrazu či patrocínia. Správcom farnosti bol Ján Enickej jeho rekatolizačná činnosť bola zameraná na modlenie litánii s umiestnení obyvateľmi v ich jazyk.

Farnosť Ruská sa nachádzala v nábožensky zmiešanom regióne. Chrám bol murovaný z tehál nachádzali sa v ňom dva oltáre. Tretí oltár sa začal vyrábať, mal byť zasvätený sv. Krížu. Farnosť spravoval Andrej Moštenský, ktorý sa modlí s miestnymi v ich jazyku modlitby ako Otče náš, ruženec, krédo alebo litánie.

Vo farnosti Pavlovce nad Uhom stál murovaný chrám s jedným oltárom. Oltár nemal patrocínium, preto nemôž chrám v minuloti používali kalvíni. Správcom miestnej farnosti bol Mikuláš Berekovič.

Farnosť Senné spravoval Ján Ziffian. Miestny chrám bol tehelný a nachádzali sa v ňom tri oltáre. Hlavný bol s titulom Nanebovzatia Panny Márie. Na menšom oltári boli na okrajoch vyobrazenia evanjelistov a v strede sa nachádzali obraz sv. Panny Márie, sv. Juraja a Baránka Božieho. Ako tretí oltár bol zasvätený sv. Jurajovi. Titul chrámu bol sviatok Navštívenia Panny Márie.

Onokovská farnosť sa nachádzala severnej od Užhorodu. Chrám v Onokovciach bol drevený, zasvätený Nanebovzatiu Panny Márie. Patrocínium chrámu bolo totožné s titulom chrámu, ďalšie obrazy sa v kostole nenašli. Farnosť spravoval Sebastián Kašaj, ktorý mal 40 rokov. V jeho okolí boli hlavne obyvatelia gréckeho rítu.

Najšpecifiskejšou farnosťou bola Vojnatina. Farnosť bola misijným územím, kde pôsobil Ján Patkovič. Medzi Užhrorodom a Michalovcami, bolo veľké množstvo rozbitých alebo zdevastovaných chrámov. Ako prvý bol obnovených chrám vo Vojnatine. Chrám bol tehelný, vo vnútri sa nachádzal len jeden oltár, ktorý bol zasvätený sv. Krížu a bol presunutý z Užhorodu.

The canonical visitation focused on parishes Uzhgorod (Ужгород), Vojnatina, Onokovce (Оноківці), Senné, Pavlovce nad Uhom, Ratovce (Ратівці), Jovra (Ёр, today Сторожниця), and Ruská.

In Uzhgorod, there was a temple dedicated to Saint George, which was situated on the salt street and inside were three bigger and two smaller altars. The bigger altars were dedicated to Saint Ladislaus and Saint Stephen, Saint George, and Saint Mary the Virgin, while the smaller altars were dedicated to Saint Elisabeth and Saint Catherine, Saint John of Nepomuk with Saint Rosalie, and Christ in the middle.

The parish Jovra had a parish temple dedicated to Virgin Mary Queen. The local temple was from brick and had three altars. The first one was dedicated to Virgin Mary, the smaller ones were dedicated to Saint Barbara and Saint Sebastian. In Jovra, there was a teacher named Michal Kertés, who was paid in kind and with one florin.

The parish Ratovce had a brick temple in a horrible condition. The temple was being under reconstruction in the year 1734 and there was an altar without a picture or a patron. The administer of the parish was John Enickei, his re-Catholic activity was focused on praying litany with the locals in their language.

The parish Ruská was located on a confessionally mixed territory. The temple was made from brick and there were two altars. The third one was being produced, it should have been dedicated to Holy Cross. The parish was administered by Andrej Moštenský, who prayed prayers such as Our Father, Hail Mary, I believe in God, or Litany with the locals in their language.

In the parish Pavlovce nad Uhom, there was a brick temple with one altar. The altar did not have a patrocinium since the temple had been used by the Calvinists. The administer of the local parish was Nicolas Berekovič.

The parish Senné was administered by John Zaffian. The local temple was made from brick and inside there were three altars. The main was with the title of Assumption of Virgin Mary. The smaller altar had depictions of Evangelists in corners, and in the middle, there was a picture of Virgin Mary, Saint George, and Lamb of God. The third altar depicted John the Baptist. The title of the temple was Visitation of the Virgin Mary’s holiday.

Onokov’s parish was located north of Uzhgorod. The temple in Onokovce was made from wood and dedicated to the Assumption of Virgin Mary. The title of the temple was depicted on an altar, other altars or pictures were not found in the church. The parish was administered by Sebastian Kašaj, who was 40 years old. In his surroundings, there were mainly presbyters orientated to Greek ceremony.

The most specific parish was Vojnatina. The parish was a mission village where John Patkovič worked. Between Uzhgorod and Michalovce, there was a big amount of broken or devastated temples. As the first one, the temple in Vojnatina was renewed. The temple was from brick and inside there was one altar with the title of Holy Cross brought from Uzhgorod.

The first written evidence that is usually connected to the statue of the Virgin Mary in the Franciscan church of Csíksomlyó (Șumuleu Ciuc, Schomlenberg) dates from 1624, when an inventory mentions a sculpture of the Virgin and Child on a secondary altarpiece dedicated to the Holy Virgin. The identification with the present figure is however only hypothetic. Sure is, that the statue was placed on the new high altarpiece, executed by joiner János Nyerges/Hannes Sadler from Brassó (Kronstadt, Braşov) in 1664. Nothing is known on the figure previous to these dates and we have no information on its original provenance. The dimensions (of 210 cm without her baroque crown) and the way the backside is carved suggest, that the figure surely belonged to an important altarpiece of quite large dimensions, with a shrine probably higher than 3 - 3,50 meters.

The Franciscan manuscripts from the 17th-18th centuries never mention that the figure would have ever belonged to the (high) altarpiece of the Csíksomlyó monastery church, instead they repeat that its provenance is unknown, only explained by legends. One of these legends, which has a certain probability though, noted by Leonard Losteiner in his manuscript dedicated to the sculpture of the Virgin Mary and her miracles, says that the statue could have been brought from the village of Höltövény (Heldsdorf, Hălchiu), a church which even today preserves its notably large winged altarpiece, with a shrine of 361 cm, which would perfectly fit the figure in point. Also the local historical literature knows of some devotional figures having been once moved from Höltövény to Csíksomlyó. However, the idea remains a hypothesis until it can be proved. Sure is, that only the workshops of the Transylvanian Saxon towns were prepared to produce at the beginning of the 16th century sculptures of such dimensions.

A detailed observation of the statue shows that a number of its characteristics differ a lot from the style known at the beginning of the sixteenth century. The figure was most probably slightly remodelled, renewed, repaired perhaps with the occasion of its placement to the high altarpiece in 1664, but later interventions are also possible.

The fact, that the figure was brought to Csíksomlyó and placed on the high altarpiece of the church in a new function of a cult image could have to do with the introduction of the Pentacost pilgrimage, the first mention of which dates to 1649. The first miracles of the statue are documented right after its placement on the high altar and these have probably contributed to the spread of the new pilgrimage and through this to the renewal of the monastery itself, almost completely depopulated by the second half of the sixteenth century.

From the end of the 17th century Máriapócs in eastern Hungary arose as a place of pilgrimage, central to which was a (blood) weeping icon of the Virgin Mary. The place of pilgrimage still enjoys great popularity today and is especially visited by members of the Greek Catholic (Uniate) Church, originally Rusyns. A replica of the religious painting from Máriapócs can be found in the chapel of Siebeneich (Kerns, Obwalden, Switzerland) built in the first half of the 18th century. Since the early 1950s, when the original religious painting, which over time had been relegated to the background, was „rediscovered“, Hungarians living in Switzerland have made the yearly pilgrimage to Siebeneich. As in Máriapócs, where the pilgrimage of the Uniate minority (and respectively the Rusyn minority) raises the consciousness of their own specific religious identity, so does a pilgrimage to Siebeneich satisfy not only the religious needs of the Hungarian-Swiss, but also confirms and reproduces their particular identity as an ethnic minority living in Switzerland. The article shows how a religious painting, a pilgrimage and even the resulting social function is „copied“ and how this „copy“ becomes again an „original“.