Xenophon calls Sokrates prytanis in the Hellenica and epistates in the Memorabilia. The Hellenica is a historical work, therefore it adheres more to reality. In the Memorabilia he intently exaggerates his master's role so that his opposition to the outraged populace may appear a more magnificent act - this suits the genre of the Memorabilia better. He places the state-description of the Lakedaimonion politeia into the times of Lycurgus, the half mythical age of the Heracleids, indicating that everything he describes is valid not in real time but in the world of utopia. In 404 B.C. there were at least 8000 hoplites in Athens, still the thirty tyrants confined franchise to 3000 hoplites. Possession was not the only condition of franchise, but loyalty to the system was one as well. It is clear, however, from Xenophon's Hellenica that the 300 hippeis were not included in that number. Thus the leadership structure during the time of the thirty would be 3000 hoplites, 300 hippeis and 30 leaders.
The author of this paper gives new interpretations of two Greek equestrian termini,
, based on the relevant passages of Xenophon’s
and arguments taken from modern hippological practice. Contrary to prevailing opinions,
must mean riding figures in general, and
refers to the disappearance of the cup from permanent teeth.
A Sókratés-kérdés kutatóinak egy része újabban erőteljes kihívással szembesíti azokat, akik úgy vélik, a történeti Sókratésről – néhány alapvető tényen kívül – bármi érdemlegeset is tudhatunk. A mai szkeptikusok álkérdésnek tartják a Sókratés-kérdést, mert alapvetően mind Platón, mind Xenophón tudósításait úgynevezett „sókratikus beszédként” (sókratikos logos) értelmezik, mely műfaj nem tartott számot történeti hitelességre. Ez a tanulmány arra vállalkozik, hogy új módszertani szempontokkal hozzájáruljon e radikálisan szkeptikus következtetés elkerüléséhez. Az első meggondolás, hogy elsősorban Sókratés peréből kell kiindulnunk, és annak platóni, illetve xenophóni bemutatását kell összehasonlítanunk, mégpedig eltérő szerzői szándékaik, Sókratésről alkotott benyomásaik, valamint a korra vonatkozó ismereteink összefüggésében. Az összehasonlítás első része Xenophón szerzői szándékait vizsgálja meg, és amellett érvel, hogy a Sókratés korára, a per körülményeire és a rá vonatkozó alapvető információink fényében Xenophón tudósítása nem tekinthető történetileg hitelesnek, majd hiányosságai alapján felvázolja azokat az elméleti kritériumokat, amelyeknek egy ilyen beszámolónak meg kell felelnie. Előrevetíti, hogy Platón Védőbeszéde megfelel ezeknek a kritériumoknak, azonban történeti hitelességét további vizsgálódások tárgyának tekinti.
In 404 B.C. there were at least 8000 hoplites in Athens, still the thirty tyrants confined franchise to 3000 hoplites. Possession was not the only condition of franchise, but loyalty to the system was one as well. It is clear, however, from Xenophon's Hellenica that the 300 hippeis were not included in that number. Thus the leadership structure during the time of the thirty would be 3000 hoplites, 300 hippeis and 30 leaders.
The sanctuary of Apollon mentioned in the letter of Gadata is not to be sought in Magnesia on Meander but in the town of Tralleis/Tralles. Tralleis was located in the territory of the satrapy Caria whose capital was Magnesia in the age of Dareios. Therefore it is understandable that it was the satrap of Caria who must remedy the abuse which hurted the interests of the priest of Apollon. The inscription containing the letter of Gadata can be a later copy of a Greek original text because its language and orthography has some characterics of the prehellenistic age. This inscription could be seen by Xenophon who probably here has got the idee of naming Gadatas one of the eunuchs in his Oikonomika. Plutarch informs us that the memory of the Persian wars was living in Magnesia in the age of Hadrian, too. It seems that the Roman emperor has visited Tralleis personally.
In the romance
written by the twelfth-century French author, Chrétien de Troyes a feigned death releases the heroine from her detested marriage and brings her into the arms of her lover. The motif of the feigned death has been considered to be related to a Byzantine story about the wife of the biblical King Solomon, a narrative that pictures women as demon-like creatures. However, the theme of the ‘undead girl’ has a different tradition as well. This tradition is much closer to the concept of
and appeared first in the Greek romance
by Xenophon of Ephesus. The virtuosity by means of which he handles the different sources reveals Chrétien’s talent and perfection as a writer and his amazing sense of humour.
When seen or presumed in the actions of gods rather than of men,
(‘spite’) has traditionally been regarded as a disturbingly “primitive” form of behaviour, punishing those who have done nothing to deserve punishment (but are simply too successful or prosperous for the deity’s liking), and chiefly manifesting itself in such authors as Herodotus and such genres as Attic tragedy. After the fifth century BC, orthodoxy holds, this gives way to a more enlightened world-view; now spite is confined to humans, and the gods treat humankind more justly. But K. J. Dover once voiced his suspicion that belief in divine
lingered on, and here I try to show that he was right. In the fourth century, divine
itself is still spoken of (by such disparate authors as Aristophanes and Xenophon); and in later writers, from Polybius to Pausanias, the idea of
(‘chance’) takes on both the vocabulary and. more important, the substantive role of supernatural
The relationship of the three earliest sources (Herodotus, Plato, Xanthus) relating how Gyges came to power is controversial. Their most striking common feature is the motif of Gyges seizing power through getting hold of the queen. The close connection of the queen and power proves to be an Eastern motif, a special Persian interpretation of the
, according to which the royal woman bears the glory representing the sovereign power (χvarәnah-) and providing the ruler with legitimacy. Deriving from the Persian ideology of sovereignty, this motif tends to appear in Herodotus, in Xenophon and in the tradition about Alexander the Great. Therefore, the earliest sources relating this story must originate from the Old Persian short stories. The authenticity of the tale about Aladdin in the One Thousand and One Nights has been questioned several times since it does not have a tradition of codices. However, its parallels with the Gyges stories, particularly the presence of the special Persian interpretation of the
suggest a common Persian source, thus, the tale is likely to be authentic.