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, A. , The Role of the Supreme Court in American Government (OUP 1976 ). Easterbrook , F. H. , ‘Do Liberals and Conservatives Differ in Judicial Activism
The aim of this paper is to discuss 1) the position of “the expert” between a population of Roma, local politicians, volunteer “do-gooders” and the media, and 2) the strategic options for the Roma population in such cases of moral and physical “clashes of interests”. The case at hand is my own participation, as an actor and an observer, in the media debate that has taken place during the last five years concerning migrant Roma beggars and street peddlers in Norway, with last summer’s debate as a preliminary top. The theme of the paper is threefold: (1.) An empirical presentation of the discussions and reactions from different social actors to the appearance of begging, playing and peddling Roma in the streets of Norwegian cities and villages. (2.) An analysis of the positions taken by the different actors in this “play” with special focus on the “expert middleman”. (3.) An analysis of the roles and strategies the Roma may use to defend their interests. The distinction between strategy and tactics will be of interest in the final analysis. The paper uses Norway and Romania only as cases to discuss a more general question.
This paper broadly compares environmentalism in Hungary and Slovakia, with a specific focus on Slovakia’s green movement under late-socialism and after. Nature activism in both countries was not directly controlled by the Party, and in each case individuals pushed the boundaries of activism and redefined notions of protest and dissent. But the way these two movements emerged were quite different from one another. In Hungary, the movement coalesced around a big “international” Soviet-style mega-project. This was the flashpoint. In Hungary, the Nagymaros dam project was an infringement — a monument of unhappy partnerships, and a symbol that fueled nationalist rumblings. In Slovakia, the whole notion of megaworks was not an unwelcome idea. But the differences between Hungarian and Slovak greens are more than the story of a dam controversy. While Hungary’s movement had its origins in the Danube River, Slovak greens emerged from the conservation of folk dwellings in the mountains. In Slovakia — the weekend amateur, the Catholic, the writer, the sociologist — instead found traction in the notion of human conservation. I explore these differences and examine how things change in the post-socialist period.
This study investigates the relationship between dimensions of judicial independence and judicial review in constitutional courts Central and Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union. In part a modified replication of prior works examining the issue, the study uses newly collected data from a panel of ten countries. It examines the relationship of judicial review with: (1) judicial independence (using both measures employed by the prior works, corrected versions of those measures, and measures original to this study); (2) political and social contextual factors; and (3) the receptiveness of post-communist countries to the importation of transplanted legal institutions. Improvements on the conceptualisation of judicial independence, inclusion of the dimensions of receptiveness, and a more appropriate panel of countries enable this study to present a more complete and accurate portrait of constitutional judicature in transition contexts. The results show that while corrections to prior measures of judicial independence improve the results at the margin, the entirely new measures of the concept represent a greater step forward. Several dimensions of judicial independence are positively related to judicial review, as are the measures of countries’ receptiveness to legal transplants. Other key factors positively related to judicial review in transition include legislative fragmentation at the time of each court decision, the scope of rights guarantees in a bill of rights, and popular trust in courts. Presidential power is negatively related to judicial review. The findings further indicate that aside from judicial independence, the prior works do present correct portrayals of most of the contextual influences they investigate.
This paper reports on evaluative comments made over some ten years on research by students in the doctoral program in Translation and Intercultural Studies at the Universitat Rovira i Virgili in Tarragona, Spain. The vast majority of the comments are found to involve general shortcomings that do not particularly concern Translation Studies. This would suggest that research trainees do not really need a doctoral program in Translation Studies. Other weaknesses stem from the relatively undeveloped intellectual position of Translation Studies as a discipline, especially with regard to unstable terminology, the attribution of authority to other disciplines, and tendencies to disappear into philosophical aporias, into indiscriminate data-gathering, and into the uncritical extension of vocational values or professional best practices. Some shortcomings, however, would seem more germane to the nature of translation as an object of knowledge. This particularly concerns the problems of describing translation quality and attempts to position the researcher as being external to the intercultural processes being investigated. Translation researchers, it is argued, are necessarily interpreting language in a way similar to translators, operating on the borders between stabilizing systems. That special position, which is specific in terms of degree rather than kind, makes hermeneutic work and self-reflection basic parts of translation research, and trainees need to develop the corresponding awareness. On the other hand, to limit oneself to empirical and often positivistic methodologies from other disciplines would be to de-intellectualize the way researchers engage socially and politically with translation.
During the US Internet bubble (1995-2001), several top executives dismissed both the law and ethical norms transferring large chunks of company wealth into their own hands. This paper investigates the key economic factors that brought about the proliferation of dishonest managerial behaviour, focussing on the weak internal control, perverse incentives related to managers' compensation schemes and conflicts of interest in the banking and auditing sectors. In order to prevent further abuses, the US administration imposed several regulatory changes, mainly through the Sarbanes- Oxley Act of 2002; we argue why some of its provisions might be taken one step further.
Halmai, G. (2000): Bevezetés. Az aktivizmus vége? [Introduction: The end of activism?] In: Halmai, G. (ed.): A megtalált alkotmány. A magyar alapjogi bíráskodás kilenc éve . [The constitution found. Nine years of constitutional adjudication.] Fundamentum
translators’ activities and their consequences ( Sela-Sheffy and Shlesinger 2011 ), but also on displacements ( Angelelli 2011 ), activism and its political aspects ( Wolf 2014 ) as well as the exploration of their inter- or intra-social agency, identity
1 INTRODUCTION The activism of the European Court of Justice (ECJ) is a common place of political science and legal studies, very often with negative connotations. 1 Convay stated that ‘At the core of criticism of judicial activism lies a concern
Many reasons can be offered for the employment of non-violence, it breaks the cycle of violence and counter-violence, and also it is the surest way of achieving public sympathy. It is the only method of struggle that is consistent with the teachings of the major religions. Non-violence can also be the basis for a way of life. It is consistent with a belief in the underlying unity of humankind. Truth and non-violence are not possible without a living belief in God. It is a fact that non-violent activism is more powerful and effective than violent activism. By the very law of nature all bad things are associated with violence, while all good things are associated with non-violence. Violent activities breed hatred in society, while non-violent activities elicit love. Violence is the way of destruction while non-violence is the way of construction. The program of Islam is divided to bring peace into three main phases: 1) peace with God, 2) peace within the community, and 3) peace with others. In the Qur’an peace is one of God’s names and the word sabr exactly expresses the notion of non-violence, as it is understood in modern times. Religion emphasizes that peace of mind comes from tolerance and contentment. In Jainism, non-violence is not limited to refraining from mental, verbal and physical injury to human beings. It encompasses abstaining from injury to all living beings – all animals and plants.
