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nyelvbe . 1. rész [Marking telicity as a situation aspectual property in Hungarian. Part 1]. Magyar Nyelv 115 . 176 – 185 . Farkas, Imola-Ágnes and Éva Kardos. in press. A végpontosság mint szituációs aspektuális jegy jelölése a

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This article presents two grammaticalization types of separable perfective particles in Estonian. The bounding particle (BP) use of the   semantically most bleached Estonian separable verbal particle ära is demonstrated to display a distinct status in the grammaticalization of aspect. The special character of the BP is illustrated by contrasting the BP ära, on the one hand, with the well-established use of the particle with the same form (ära) and, on the other hand, several other perfective particles, which are referred to here as instances of completive particles (CP). The study of differences brings out the following novel facts about the BP. The particle occurs only in context-dependent, agentive sentences that typically describe the achievement of planned or foreseen endpoints of events. The perfective sentences with the BP contain primarily activity verbs; however, verbs in such sentences can belong to all aspectual classes, and the combinations are transparent. The occurrence of an argument that would serve as a “measure” for the event is thereby optional. The evidence that the BP and verb combinations do not allow for the derivation of adjectives (participles) also demonstrates the difference between the principles of combining a verb and a BP as opposed to a CP.

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I have dealt with some disputed questions of Russian aspectuality, i.e. one of the groups of achievement verbs (with the lexical meaning of perceptive and cognitive verbs) and the specific (grammatical) meanings of imperfective verbs. I am looking for the answer to several important semantic questions, such as the inner homogenous order of “states” and “activities” as well as the heterogenic character of terminative imperfective verbs. In addition to this, I discuss how these verbs relate to the dynamics of action.

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, Alice 1979. The semantics of English aspectual complementation. Reidel, Dordrecht. Freed A. The semantics of English aspectual complementation

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Dowty, David R. 1979. Word meaning and Montague grammar: The semantics of verbs and times in generative syntax and in Montague’s PTQ. Reidel, Dordrecht. Dowty, David R. 1986. The effects of aspectual class on the

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–84. Agrell 1908 = Agrell S. Aspektänderung und Aktionsartbildung beim polnischen Zeitworte . Lund: Håkan Ohlssons Buchdruckerei, 1908. Janda 2007 = Janda L. Aspectual clusters of Russian verb. Studies in Language 31 (2007): 607

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, 1995 . JANDA 2007 JANDA L. Aspectual clusters of Russian verb . Studies in Language 31 ( 2007 ): 607 – 648

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The time course of processing perfective and imperfective aspect in Polish

Evidence from self-paced reading and eye-tracking experiments

Acta Linguistica Academica
Authors: Dorota Klimek-Jankowska, Anna Czypionka, Wojciech Witkowski, and Joanna Błaszczak

: Peter Lang . 9 – 35 . Błaszczak , Joanna and Dorota Klimek-Jankowska . 2016 . Aspectual coercion versus blocking: Experimental evidence from an ERP study on Polish converbs . In J. Błaszczak , A. Giannakidou , D. Klimek-Jankowska and

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. Tenny , Carol L. 1989 . The aspectual interface hypothesis . Lexicon Project Working Papers 31 . 2 – 47 . Tenny , Carol L. 1994

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. Janda , Laura A. , Anna Endresen , Julia Kuznetsova , Olga Lyashevskaya , Anastasia Makarova , Tore Nesset and Svetlana Sokolova . 2013 . Why russian aspectual prefixes aren’t empty: Prefixes as verb classifiers . Bloomington, IN

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