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This paper examines the importance of the lituus on Augustan provincial coinage. On local coins of some thirty cities in Africa and Asia, Augustus’ obverse portraits are accompanied by a lituus, the symbol of the augurs. One of Augustus’ most important priestly offices was that of an augur. Romulus’ most famous achievement as an augur was the foundation of Rome. When Augustus became an augur in 43 BC, it was particularly Romulus’ role as a founder that Augustus emulated the most. Augustus considered himself to be the second founder of Rome, and also founded, re-founded, and reorganized numerous cities in the Roman provinces. I argue, then, that given the far-reaching evidence of the lituus on Augustan provincial coinage, the prominence of Augustus’ position as an augur is not only evident through his provincial (re)foundations, but also through his visual imagery.

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During the Roman Empire, when an autonomous Etruscan culture had disappeared long ago, aspects of the old Etruscan religion were still surviving and had been integrated in the Roman traditional religion: the haruspices, acting as diviners for public or private purposes all over the Roman empire, could interpret prodigies, what Roman priests and even augurs did not. When, with the Christians, a new religion arrived which risked to overthrow the old national religion of the Romans, Etruscan religious tradition played an important role against the rise of Christianity: with the sacred books of the Etruscans, with the prophets who were alleged to have created the Etruscan religious tradition, the Romans could find in their own heritage what could match the Bible of the Christians or their prophets. Unsurprisingly, haruspices were active in the resistance movement against the new religion.

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This study broadly considers textual and extra-textual factors involved in producing and disseminating Spanish translations, dimensions that may be linguistic, socio-linguistic, cognitive, economic, cultural, or legal. Sociolect and regionalect are considered in the translation traffic into Spanish, particularly in their relations to aesthetic verisimilitude or market acceptability. The phenomenon of what has been called textual mobility is traced. According to De Clercq et al. (2006), textual mobility may include translation policy, translator-publisher negotiations, printing industry conditions, copyright considerations, and other power matrices, including censorship and patronage. Censorship’s historical effects on translation policy are borne out in light of translational contraband and distribution. Variants of Spanish are shown to be involved in dynamics of writing from the margins, perceptions of language correctness, including the hybridity and its implications for identity, and the attendant issues of power. The special problem of interregional insularity is tied to migrational limitations. Finally, the Spanish-speaking world’s hierarchies, asymmetries, and inter- or intraliterary commerce practices past and present are broadly examined (including multinational publishing houses and editorial coproductions), alongside the advent of Spanish-language publishing in the United States and what this might augur for literarily localized or globalized Spanish translations.

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In his well-known description of legis actio sacramento in rem , Gaius remarks that the rod was used in the procedure instead of the spear as the sign of lawful property since what the Romans considered truly their own was the goods taken from the enemy: “ Festuca autem utebantur quasi hastae loco, signo quodam iusti dominii; quod maxime sua esse credebant quae ex hostibus cepissent .” In harmony with Gaius’s view Verrius Festus states that the spear is the symbol, incarnation of supreme power: “ Hasta summa armorum et imperii est .” Setting out from these two testimonia , in the present study we intend to examine the content of the hasta and the festuca as symbols of power to support the interpretation of the ritual of legis actio sacramento in rem as duellum sacrum . First, we shall give a brief account of the occurrences of the spear as the symbol of imperium , of subhastatio related thereto and the function of the supreme commander’s spear; also, we shall touch on the stick of augures and certain Greek prefigurations and parallels of the symbolic nature of the spear and the rod. (I.) After that, we shall make some statements concerning the spear of the god Mars and the Mars cult, and the relation of Quirinus and Quirites to the symbolism of the spear. (II.) The fasces carried by lictores proceeding in front of the magistratus , the flamen Dialis and the virgo Vestalis are also insignia of power and, as we try to highlight this point, incamate the highly sacralised, numinous nature of power. (III.) Finally, from the ceremony of declaring war and from the special character and use of the spear in the ceremony we intend to show certain parallels between ius fetiale and legis actio sacramento in rem . (IV.)

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AIJ V. Hoffiller–B. Saria: Antike Inschriften aus Jugoslawien. Zagreb 1938. Alföldy, G. 1960 Pannoniciani augures. AT 7, 37–52 = ActaAntHung 8, 145–164. Alföldy, G. 1983

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706 Albersheim, P., Darvill, A. and Augur, C. (1992): Oligosaccharins — oligosaccharide regulatory molecules. Acc. Chem. Res. 25, 77-83. Oligosaccharins

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crystallization, while n ~ 3 augurs bulk crystallization [ 9 ]. It is clear from the value of n that bulk crystallization is prevalent in this glass system. The action of P 2 O 5 in the present composition has been postulated to be [ 22

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Journal of Psychedelic Studies
Authors: Robert Beckstead, Bryce Blankenagel, Cody Noconi and Michael Winkelman

and mushrooms at the culminating moment of his search for wisdom as a providence auguring that he needed to eat to obtain wisdom and of what he needed to eat to become wise. Another potential clue to what Joseph Jr. needed to eat to gain

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