Authors:Caitlin Ferguson, Martine Duff, Elliot Clark, Glenn Chapman, Jeffrey Leggitt and Keith Monson
The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) Laboratory is currently exploring needs and protocols for the storage of evidentiary
items contaminated with radioactive material. While a large body of knowledge on the behavior of storage polymers in radiation
fields exists, this knowledge has not been applied to the field of forensics and maintaining evidentiary integrity. The focus
of this research was to evaluate the behavior of several traditional evidentiary containment polymers when exposed to significant
alpha, beta, gamma, neutron and mixed radiation sources. Doses were designed to simulate exposures possible during storage
of materials. Several products were found to be poorly suited for use in this specific application based on standardized mechanical
testing results. Remaining products were determined to warrant further investigation for the storage of radiologically-contaminated
The effect of organic compounds on the production of volatile species of iodine was examined. The first step has been to identify candidates for detailed study through a series of scoping experiments, in which the chemical environment existing in CANDU reactor containment is simulated. These experiments have involved the irradiation of 10–5M CsI solutions labelled with131I containing a dilute concentration of a particular organic compound (8.5·10–3 to 1.4·10–1M). A total of 20 compounds and polymers have been tested to date. Results have shown that many of these compounds do enhance iodine volatility, and that the degree of volatility is related to system pH. Using the iodine partition coefficient (H=iodine concentration in the liquid phase/iodine concentration in the gas phase) as a basis, values as low as 300 have been observed for chloroform solutions. Conversely some compounds, such as phenol, have produced low volatility, with values of 1·105. As a reference, a partition coefficient of 104 has often been used in safety analysis.
Because of the legacy of 1956 the hardest country to engage behind the iron curtain was Hungary. The history of the Hungarian political amnesty, a milestone in the development of the most liberal system in the Soviet bloc is an anatomy of the hurdles of diplomacy in dealing with a closed dictatorship under the sway of a foreign power. The new Soviet-installed government launched massive reprisals against real and alleged participants of the revolution. For the first time the US was able to influence events in a Soviet controlled country through diplomatic efforts exerted in the UN. In 1962 after years of difficult negotiation the leaders in Budapest agreed to amnesty political prisoners in exchange for the removal of the Hungarian Question. The settlement was in the best interest of the Hungarians. The regime’s international position was an embarrassment for Moscow. Hungary was internationally isolated. That the deal was so long in themaking showed the difficulty of dealing with a client state supported by a world power. The political committee’s view of world matters was formed by the tenets of communist ideology. This and the knowledge that they would be backed by the Soviet Union through thick and thin allowed the Hungarians to adopt a rigid and uncompromising stance. They exploited domestic weakness to garner support in a conflict that Moscow was ready to settle. Kádár expected American officials to deal with Hungary as a proud independent national entity. Communist functionaries struggled to understand the motivations of American policy. American diplomats found it hard to strike the right tone when dealing with their communist counterparts. Also they did not know about the inner power struggle behind the facade of communist unity. The Kádár regime’s eventual willingness to strike a deal and put an end to domestic terror had to do with his desire to launch the country on a road to economic modernization. This required a gradual and limited opening to the West. One of the pillars of this new policy would be the normalization of relations with the US. Prudently the State Department made it known that this would not happen until political prisoners were freed.In the meantime US goals in Eastern Europe went through drastic change. This wasmatched by a new approach to the Soviet bloc. The liberation of Eastern Europe and the reunification of the continent were deemed unfeasible. Therefore a more moderate aim of “continental re-association” was adopted. In fact the restoration of the independence of states in Eastern Europe no longer seemed an unequivocally more preferable condition than the Soviet control of middle Europe. Rather than destabilizing them as in the fifties the US became interested in the consolidation of more liberal communist regimes as a prerequisite of western security. In other words as opposed to the doctrine of the 50s western security no longer required the restoration of national independence. Liberation and containment was replaced by the doctrine of bridge building. This aimed at the gradual transformation of communist regimes to more liberal and more autonomous albeit not independent or fully democratic entities within the tolerance limit of the Soviets. By the early seventies the European status quo was “not so bad” for the Americans. The East Europeans’ only hope for liberation would be change within the Soviet Union.
Results of a study of the corrosion of various transition-metal alloys, tantalum, and tantalum/2.5% tungsten are reported.
The solvent contained nitric acid, hydrofluoric acid, and ammonium hexanitratocerate. It was designed to imitate the corrosiveness
of the nitric acid, hydrofluoric acid mixture used to dissolve 238-plutonium dioxide.
Editor's Note: This essay paper of Professor Kornai with an unusually provoking title consists of two parts. Part I is the slightly edited, non-abridged version of his writing published as an oped in The Financial Times (FT) on 11 July 2019, the world's leading global business publication (Kornai 2019a). Subsequently, the full text of this paper was published in the Hungarian weekly magazine Élet és Irodalom (Life and Literature; Kornai 2019b), which in turn generated a number of commenting articles published in the same weekly. Still in the month of July, the original essay was translated into Chinese by a Hong Kong newspaper and into Vietnamese. An influential multilingual Chinese newspaper gave an extensive summary of the FT essay (Street 2019). The latter one, according to our best knowledge, was disseminated only on the internet. Part II is the translated and slightly edited version of Kornai's second article, published in September this year on the same topic (Kornai 2019c). In this second essay he responded to his critiques both in Hungary and world-wide. This piece was published in its original form in Hungarian by the previous mentioned Hungarian weekly. We, the Editors of Acta Oeconomica, are proud to publish the complete English translation of this second essay first time. We thank for the opportunity given to us by Professor Kornai to publish the Frankenstein-papers in an integrated form, together with all the necessary bibliographic references.
Authors:J. S. Gardner, J. C. Oxley and J. L. Smith
Experiments to determine the effect of surface area, head space, and containment on liquid gun propellant degradation at temperatures of 100 and 148°C were conducted. The conclusions from these tests are that an increased surface area in LP containment can significantly increase the rate of LP decomposition. The head space is not a significant factor in altering the rate of degradation, but if the gaseous products are allowed to escape, the degradation rate is significantly lowered.