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In this paper we examine various types of diminutive formation in Hungarian and show that truncative diminutives exhibit unique behaviour in several respects as compared to all other types of morphological processes. These forms are templatic

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between meaning and form 1985 Daltas, Pericles 1985. Some patterns of variability in the use of diminutive and augmentative

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. Budapest , Európa Könyvkiadó . 6. Berko-Gleason , J. , Perlmann , R. Y. , Ely , R. , Evans , D. W. ( 1990 ): The babytalk register: Parent's use of diminutives . In: J. L. Sokolov

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Morphopragmatics is defined as the relationship between morphology and pragmatics, in other words, it investigates pragmatic aspects of patterns created by morphological rules. The paper discusses three morphopragmatic phenomena in Hungarian. The first one concerns the use of the excessive which does not add semantic information to the superlative and carries purely pragmatic information. It is used to express the highest possible degree of some property and it carries the conversational implicature that the speaker wants to draw the listener's attention to the importance of what he is saying. The second problem discussed has to do with the pragmatics of the diminutive suffix. The semantic meaning of the diminutive suffix is `small' or `a little' (the latter occurs with mass nouns), which, however, is often overridden by the pragmatic meaning. In most cases, the use of the diminutive signals a positive emotional attitude, but it may carry a pejorative meaning, too. Finally, the third phenomenon concerns the pragmatics of the possibility suffix -hat/-het. From among the various pragmatic meanings the deontic speech acts are well known from other languages. There are, however, several other uses which seem to be typical of Hungarian. Two of these are particularly interesting: (a) the context may turn possibility into necessity, (b) the verb mond `say, tell' suffixed by the possibility suffix may carry the pragmatic meaning `say/tell in vain'. In addition to these two uses, several others will be discussed.

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The Slovak Literary Language has been formed during a few centuries in such a way, that adopted Literary Czech has lost its traditional language units under the influence of Slovak dialects. However, original phenomena, which had not existed eitthe in written texts or in the Slovak dialects, have arisen as a result of this interaction. One of them is the appearance of a mobile vowel i in the suffix of diminutives -ik in the position after a consonant c. Diminutives ending -cek obviously predominated in the writings before A. Bernolák and in the Bernolák's ones. Only after Štúr's codification and mainly since the end of 19th century these forms have begun to yield. This process, however, had different degrees of intensity in the forms with zero desinential morphemes on the one hand and with expressed ones on the other. The first forms have been replaced by forms ending -cik already in the third decade of the 20th century, therefore the second ones have continued to be in use. It actually means that contamination of two paradigms has occurred. But this process has not been finished and now the forms with a mobile vowel i are as a rule very rare and the number of words, which have them, has been essentially reduced.

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The article deals with the word koreš ‘close friend’ used in Russian cant. It comes from the Russian verb koreševat’sja ‘to greet each other friendly, to establish friendship and close relations’ that, in turn, has its origin in the Turkic verb körüš- ‘to see each other, to have an audience’. The diplomatic ceremony of koreševan’e ‘a kind of very close embrace’ was common in the Golden Horde and its successor states — the Khanates of the Crimea, Kazan and Astrakhan, the Noghay Horde and Muscovy, at least up to the end of the 16th century. Soon the word koreš (literally:’ a man participating in the ceremony of koreševan’e’) with the meaning ‘true and close friend’ was ejected to the sphere of Russian slang and acquired a secondary, alleged link with the Russian word koren’ ‘root’ as if it were its pseudo-diminutive form.

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. Vowel harmony: an account in terms of Government and Optimality Prieto, Pilar (1990) `Morphology of the Spanish diminutive formation: a case for prosodic sensitivity'. Hispanic

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Tibetan Diminutive Suffix. Acta Orient. Hung. II, pp. 183-219. Uray, G. (1954): Duplication, Gemination and Triplication in Tibetan. Acta Orient. Hung. IV, pp.177-241. Vasmer = Fasmer, M. (1964

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reduced to schwa in unstressed contexts (6a). Only /a/ always resists this process (6b). (6) Stressed Unstressed Gloss a. [r o tə] [rət e ddə] ‘wheel’; diminutive [fən u ccə] [fənəcc e ddə] ‘fennel’; diminutive [m e lə] [məl e ddə] ‘apple’; diminutive

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The present paper deals with the dialectal situation of the lexeme ogar,-a m.‘a young man’, ‘a youth’, ‘a son’, which belongs to the core vocabulary of the traditional Eastern Moravian dialect. The dialect called Wallachian is spoken around the towns of Rožnov, Valašské Meziříčí, Vsetín, Zlín, Vizovice, and Valašské Klobouky. In the southern part of the Wallachia region (around Zlín, Vizovice, and Klobouky), the expression is realized as ogara, -y / -i m. In addition, the same sense of the word ogar is common not only in the Silesian-Moravian dialectal region (namely, the Lachia area around Frenštát), which was likewise affected by Carpathian pastoral colonization in the past, but also the eastern Moravian dialectal island of Kelč with its very specific phonology.

In Slovakia, the expression is found in two places. It is attested from the Spiš region (more specifically, from Veľký Šariš), where it has a pejorative meaning and is also used as a swearword (denoting a rather neglected young man). The second location is Revúca in the Slovak Central Mountains, where it denotes a tall man who is very thin - almost emaciated.

In Poland, the word ogar is attested in the southern part of the Malopolska region around Ropčice (ogar - “czasem na dziecko wołają: Ty ogarze!”) and in the Zakopane region (ogarek - “2. przezwisko małych chłopców”). This information is confirmed as of the last quarter of the nineteenth century as well as the beginning of the twentieth century by Karłowicz's dictionary. Apart from that, the present-day Kraków urban dialect contains the expression agar ‘a youth’.

The word ogar is not attested in the sense of ‘a boy’, ‘a youth’ in any other Slavonic or non-Slavonic language.

As regards linguistic geography, the distribution of the word does not extend beyond the mountainous and sub-mountainous regions of the Western Carpathians. As it appears in several semantic varieties in multiple places around the Carpathian region but nowhere else, the word can be classified as a distinctly Carpathian expression.

The alternate form ogarek, ogárek is a common diminutive derived by the suffix -ek and having a positive affective function. The form ogara found in southern Wallachia was most likely coined by analogy or by mistaking the indirect grammatical case of ogar for the nominative. Such a mistaken interpretation is quite plausible, given the fact that the area in question was less affected by the Carpathian pastoral colonization than the other regions. Hence the possible change of the nominative form of the word from ogar to ogara (and resulting in a different declensional pattern according to the keyword předseda).

The lexeme ohař ‘a hunting dog’ is most likely to be an old borrowing from Eastern languages, which possibly indicates some degree of influence of those languages over the European area in question. As regards the Western Carpathian (and thus also the Moravian-Wallachian) ogar ‘a boy’ etc., it concerns a second borrowing of the same non-Slavonic word but with a different semantic content via Romanian (regardless of whether this non-Slavonic Eastern word got into Romanian directly or, rather, via a Slavonic language). In that sense, the word exists as yet another evidence of the Romanian linguistic (and perhaps also ethnic) involvement in the pastoral colonization of the Western Carpathians.

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