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After the formation of the Chagatay and Jochi Uluses the local Mongol nobility was converted to Islam and assimilated by the local Kirghiz and Kipchak Turkic nomads. When these Uluses were disintegrated into smaller hordes (Özbeg, Nogay, Kazak, Kirghiz, etc.), the Turkic-speaking Muslim nobility ruled the newly-formed new nomadic states. The epic tradition of these nomads underwent fundamental changes, and the heroes of the epic songs became the historical or legendary founders of the tribes. When the Oirat Mongols and Jungars attacked their territories during in 16th–18th centuries the Buddhist Oirats became the major enemies of the Muslim Turks who called them Kalmak . But the meaning of Kalmak is broader in the epic tradition of these Turkic peoples: it can mean Non-Muslim or enemy of all kind. The present article analyses the historical and cultural background of the word Kalmak in written and oral sources.

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The placement of Helenus, the Trojan seer, near the end of Pythagoras’ speech in Ovid’s Metamorphoses 15, humorously comments on the Augustan projection of Rome’s predestined world conquest. In Metamorphoses 15, the philosopher Pythagoras casts himself in the light of the Vergilian Helenus. Among the various common characteristics Helenus and Pythagoras share outstanding is their metaliterary identity as conveyed in an interfusion of comprehensive knowledge, communication of uncontested truth but also adherence to deception: the Ovidian Pythagoras’ speech is ridden with inaccurate information and chronological fallacies, while Ovid’s Helenus is in fact the Vergilian Helenus, a confused individual who lives in the deceptive contentment of an a-chronic world of ghosts. By means of undermining the infallibility of prophesying through the lack of credibility of the prophet, Ovid undermines the standardization of the literary motif of epic prophecies about Rome’s world conquest, a much advertized theme in the various expressions of Augustan ideology of global conquest.

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On the basis of the Mycenaean documents written in Linear B, the official title da-mo-ko-ro (*damokoros) might have been the name for a high official of the royal palace whose task was to distribute the provisions among the people working for the king. Augewas damokoros mentioned on the tablet Ta 711 may be the same historical person as king Augewas of the Greek epic tradition who rivalled Neleus in the rule over Pylos.

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A 3. szatíra Iuvenalis életművének egyik legtöbbre tartott, egyben legkülönlegesebb darabja. Egy rövid bevezető után a mű csaknem egészét egy Umbriciusnak nevezett interlocutor monológja tölti ki, melyben megindokolja, hogy miért költözik Cumae-ba Rómából. Umbricius más iuvenalisi interlocutorokhoz képest jóval összetettebb alak, akinek különböző vonásait különböző forrásokra és ihletőkre vezethetjük vissza, s ez áttételesen a 3. szatíra egészére is igaz, mert benne az epikus hagyomány, a bukolikus költészet és Martialis hatása egyaránt jelentős.

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, Devin 1994 Islamization and Native Religion in the Golden Horde (Baba Tukles and the Conversion to Islam in Historical and Epic Tradition). University Park : The Pennsylvania State University Press . Divaev , Abubakr 1899 Iz oblasti

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Was there a goddess Slava in Slavic pagan antiquity? Though there have been voices that it was possible, the analysis of Slavic folklore texts proved the issue to be more complex.

The present paper shows that Ukrainian folklore as well as the folklore of other Slavic peoples may have preserved stable compositional clichés that can be traced back to Indo-European prototypes. In their turn, these clichés may be explained as the verbal reflections of ritual practices and sacred etiquette. It is stated that the final parts of Ukrainian dumas, Russian bylinas, and Serbian heroic songs that contain praise (slava) of natural forces can be regarded as remnants of pagan beliefs with strongly proved Indo-European background. The common motives of slava in different Slavic epic traditions give us important insights into the Slavic pagan religion.

At the end of dumas, bylinas, and South Slavic heroic songs, there is a distinct part in which the singer, apart from the main story, blesses the audience and the universe. This part had preserved the composition scheme comparable to that of Old Indian stuti hymns, Pindaric, and Vedic poetry: 1) an invocation to the deity or a person with higher social rank; 2) a recounting of the previous (semi)mythological precedent; 3) a request.

The obligatory lexical element of the final part of Slavic eposes is slava. As it is mentioned in the context of mourning over the dead or calming the natural forces, it is very likely that the concept was connected to the cult of ancestors and natural forces - one of the most archaic forms of religion. It is proved by two non-neighbouring cognate folklore sources. In Hutsul funerals up to the beginning of the 20th century, slava used to serve as a taboo name of the soul of the deceased. Meanwhile, at least up to 19th century, the Serbs preserved the holiday of slava that is interwoven with the cult of the dead (e.g., kolyvo was eaten during the rite).

Thus, though we cannot claim the existence of the personified goddess named Slava, we have strong evidence about the notion of slava (praise, fame) that could have been current in Common Slavic religion. It is even more likely due to the underlying Indo-European tradition, in which the notion of fame was not personified though crucial for the ideology of warring elites (like in Pindar's lyric).

Such evasive notion of slava that was not always personified though praised comforts very well to the picture of ancient Slavic religion handed down to us by Procopius of Caesarea. He claimed that ancient Slavs praised natural forces, rivers, and forests. Likewise, in the fragments preserved in some of Ukrainian dumas and songs from Kirsha Danilov's collection, the praise (slava) was sung not only to the heroes but also to rivers and fields.

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Conversion to Islam in Historical and Epic Tradition 1994 DeWeese, Devin (1999): The Politics of Sacred Lineages in 19th

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. DeWeese, A. D ( 1994 ): Islamization and Native Religion in the Golden Horde: Baba Tükles and Conversion to Islam in Historical and Epic Tradition . University Park , Pennsylvania

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. —. Saint Petersburg. (Reprint: Amsterdam 1970.) DeWeese, D. (1994): Islamization and Native Religion in the Golden Horde. Baba Tükles and Conversion to Islam in Historical and Epic Tradition . University Park, Pennsylvania

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Historical and Epic Tradition . [Hermeneutics: Studies in the History of Religion] PennsylvaNia : Pennsylvania State University Press . Doerfer , Gerhard 1963 –1975 . Türkische und mongolische Elemente im Neupersischen . 4 Vols. Wiesbaden : Franz

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