Ethnic identities are socially defined cultural contracts. Reworkings take place according to historic changes as well as in specific social situations. To speak about identity of 'X'-s and of 'Y'-s is a complex issue mainly in diasporic contexts where a uniform or homogeneous identity of the specific ethnic categories and groups is hardly accepted. In spite of this, in public discourse it is common to speak about the identity of Hungarian-Americans for instance. Based on historical and contemporary investigations of Hungarian immigrants and their descendants in the United States the paper analyses the complexity of ethnic identities. It does so in particular by raising the problem of ethnic identity from two directions: on the one hand, taking into account the differing situation of those who emigrated and of their descendants and, on the other hand, on the basis of theoretical considerations. Variants of ethnic self and group identification is related to historical flows of immigrants, size and composition of population concerned as well as to power relations.
-Chairez, 2017 ). For example, sexual/gender minorities of color are at risk of experiencing structural stressors such as homophobia or transphobia in their ethnic communities, as well as racism in the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, intersex, and
interesting places to consider for an empirical investigation of differences in values and beliefs. The main reason is that (current and historical) political, religious, and ethnic borders do not coincide with each other in this area. The current political
The object of this essay is to understand how the ethnic Csángó’s migratory process develops since the fall of the Romanian communist regime. To do so, we will first present an overview of the major processes that affected the Csángó’s culture, identity and way of life: the building of the Romanian nation-state and the communist modernization of Romania. Starting from a theoretical proposal based on an ecological model of migration, we expose the importance that culture and social networks of exchange have in the migratory process of this group.
As a result of the Sámi ethnic revitalization process, not only is the right to practicing indigenous culture controlled by local communities today, but it is also heavily disputed who can access, use, perform, interpret, and shape their culture. Recently this debate has increasingly influenced academic discourse as well. By the last decades of the 20th century, the Sámi people, similarly to other indigenous peoples, contributed to ongoing scholarly activity with their own researchers. As a consequence of this, reservations as to external (foreign) rresearchers are more and more emphatically worded. Besides differences of the motivations and opportunities of “western” vs. “indigenous” science, epistemological problems also occur, due to varying world views and categories derived from differing practices of experiences, as well as to a scepticism as to the existence of authentic translation. In this way the relation of researcher and field site cannot be merely restricted to data collection and interpretation. Data processing, publication of findings and presentation of achievements for the scholarly elite of informants and the studied community are also of importance.
Ethnic conflicts and their institutional solutions – often imposed by external powers – have characterized the past and recent history of the Western Balkans, ranging from the 1878 Congress of
This paper will investigate the ethnic conditions of the Ptolemaic Fayum. Society under the Ptolemies was multi-ethnic and multicultural, and besides native Egyptians there were primarily Greeks and Jews. One of the main centres of Greek colonization was the Fayum Oasis, and a great deal of the settlers were Greek soldiers. The uniquely rich documentation from the Fayum offers valuable insight into the ethnic structure of the region. The sources reveal the culture, religion and customs of particular peoples and allow to present their political and economic situation in the state and to examine the relationships between them.
The aim of this paper is to provide an overview of changing ethnic patterns in Transylvania since the fall of Communism in Romania in 1989. The ethnic structure of this multicultural province was dominated by Hungarians, Romanians and Germans from the early 13th century until the middle of 20th century and by Romanians, Hungarians and Roma since 1989. The natural decrease and the increasing (e)migration of the population associated with the economic, social and political changes of the epoch has led to considerable changes in the ethnic structure of Transylvania. The most striking ethnic changes are the accelerated decrease of the population of the national minorities (mostly of Germans and Hungarians) and the dynamic demographic growth of the Roma population. Nearly half of the Hungarians live in municipalities where they represent an absolute majority of the local population (e.g., the Székely land and parts of Bihor-Satu Mare-Sǎlaj counties). As a result of their dynamic increase (25% between 1992 and 2002), the Roma community might outnumber the Hungarians in the decade to come, becoming the second largest ethnic group (to the Romanians) of Transylvania (according to estimates and not census data).