Authors:Manuel Alcaraz-Ibáñez, Álvaro Sicilia, Delia C. Dumitru, Adrian Paterna, and Mark D. Griffiths
& Robins, 2004 , 2007 ) – has emerged in research aimed at understanding exercise behavior. This study aimed to expand this line of research by exploring the relationship between self-conscious emotions (SCEs) of shame, guilt, and pride emerging from a
teams, production teams, and service teams. Small Group Research, 40 (4), 382–420.
Corcoran, K. J., Rotter, J. B. (1987) Morality-Conscience Guilt Scale as predictor of ethical behavior in a cheating situation among college
Authors:Zsolt Péter Szabó, Csilla Banga, Éva Fülöp, and János László
guilt: antecedents, correlates and consequences. In Mackie, D. M. , Smith, E. R. , (eds) From prejudice to intergroup relations: differentiated reactions to social groups . 49–66. Psychology Press, New York
Authors:Mia Beck Lichtenstein, Mark D. Griffiths, Simone Daugaard Hemmingsen, and René Klinkby Støving
, feelings of guilt when not exercising, and reduced sport performance due to excessive exercise (Table 3 ). Logistic regression with bootstrapped variance estimation was used to test the association between exercise addiction and disturbed exercise and
Authors:H. Clark Barrett, Monika Keller, Masanori Takezawa, and Szymon Wichary
Previous research on children's understanding of social contracts has shown that children are able to identify violations of social contracts from an early age, that they attribute negative feelings including anger to victims of contract violations, and that attributions of negative (moral) feelings to violators increase with age. This study examines two questions that have not been systematically investigated in prior work. First, do children attribute specific types of negative emotion, guilt and anger, to violators and victims of social contracts, and do these attributions change with age? Second, do children's attributions of guilt and anger depend on the social roles of the parties in the contract, including parents and offspring, siblings, and friends? Using a bilateral social contract scenario with first and fourth graders, we found that children in both age groups were able to identify contract violations, and attributed guilt to violators and anger to victims of social contract violations. Although anger and guilt attributions increased with age, they were high across both ages, and relatively unaffected by type of role relationship. These results suggest that children understand the moral emotions associated with violations of social contracts.
The present paper gives a detailed analysis of the guidelines on sleeping practices as stipulated in Buddhist monastic disciplinary texts and in Chinese manuals. It shows how sleep is perceived in normative texts, both in India and in China, and how monastics should deal with their daily need for sleep. The analysis reveals a striking contrast between sleep as a relatively innocent time when one’s actions incur no guilt, and sleep as a potentially harmful time of the day, given its assocation with disrespect, inactivity and sexual practices, and given the fact that during one’s sleep one might unwillingly display one’s true nature, which for some monastics appears to be quite detrimental.
The line from Bonfini's Decades used as a motto emphasizes the triumphal meaning of using marble, bronze and inscription together. For using red marble (replacing porphyry) there had been a tradition in Hungary since the late 12th century, when the Porta speciosa of the Esztergom Cathedral was built. The Bakócz Chapel of the same cathedral stands, as for the red marble, in the same tradition, but its inscription, executed in inlayed capital letters in guilt bronze, corresponds to another tradition too. Bronze letters represent a tradition of Antiquity which was kept by early (Salerno, San Vincenzo in Volturno, Corvey) and later (Bari, St-Denis, Westminster Abbey) mediaeval monuments, mainly in Italy. This tradition in Italy seems to have been the main source for the epigraphic style of the Esztergom Chapel.
In the paper we seek
to trace and better understand the surprising sociological components of the
'56 revolution. The paradox lying in the heart of the revolutionary events
concerns the fact that the social groups most closely involved in the political
mobilization included the formerly faithful communist, later
“revisionist”intellectuals, the university students and the industrial working
class. They had previously been considered as the primary social basis and
legitimation force of the communist political regime. Still, they were to
become the main motor of initiating the disobedience almost before 23rd of
October and, in addition, “did the revolution”thereafter. What could be the
reason of their discontent causing the first “revolutionary”schock to a
political regime which regularly defined and declared itself to embody the
social(ist) revolution? The explanation is based on a sociological
consideration (the mobility trap) combined with a psychological reasoning (the
sense of guilt, the bitter feeling of being deceived, and the unfulfilled
expectations) and the whole argument will be placed into the specific
historical context specified either by Hungary's road from '53 to '56, and the
global developments of the communist world in the course of 1956.