This paper examines the iconolographical origin of Johannes Sambucus’ emblem dedicated to Carlo Sigonio, which – according to its title – displays the difference between grammar, dialectics, rhetoric and history. I focus on the central female figure whose innocent nudity represents the truth and whose connection with the ideal historiography standing – balancing together with Dialectics and Rhetoric – on the head of the young virgin Grammar. The special relationship between History and naked truth also defines its symbolic connection with the costumes of the other two figures: Dialectics in rough working clothes and Rhetoric in her long luxury dress. Three symbolic animals also belong to the three female figures: a sphinx to Dialectics, a chimera to Rhetoric and a winged dog to History. Contextual examination of the emblem reveals the possible source of the strange winged dog symbol is Plutarch’s short story of Osiris and Isis. In addition, the paper draws attention to an ironic twist of History in connection with Carlo Sigonio that shows that its nudity is not always so innocent.
1962 . ‘ The Rise of Ottoman Historiography .’ In: Peter M. Holt and Bernard Lewis (eds.) Historians of the Middle East. London and New York: Oxford University Press , 152 – 167 . [Repr.: Halil INALCIK 1995. From Empire to Republic: Essays on
underlining because main leaders in the field of historiography are: Great Britain (17.37% titles) and Germany (14.27%), not the USA (8.55%) which usually top the ISI lists. American historiography is closely followed by renowned European centres of historical
In spite of the main goal of the annalistic narration of Livy, the description of the history of Rome, Alexander the Great has an important role in the
Ab Urbe condita
. In this way, Livy composed the first known counterfactual episode of European historiography (IX 17–19). Moreover, Livy compared the courage, knowledge and the fortune of the Macedonian and the Roman military commanders, and the opposing forces. Livy presents Alexander with his bad traits, therefore the historiographer denies the divinity of the Macedonian king. Livy opposes the few Greeks, who rejected the order of Augustus, and hated the princeps himself.
At the heart of Carl Dahlhaus’s historiographic interests, according to James Hepokoski, was an “effort to keep the Austro-German canon from Beethoven to Schoenberg free from aggressively sociopolitical interpretations.” But Dahlhaus did not stop at Schoenberg: he also wrote about postwar music, and one might therefore wonder whether his “Austro-German canon” of autonomous music extended past 1945. In his essays on this period, Dahlhaus claimed that the postwar musical avant-garde was defined by the concept of the experiment, a concept that was, he believed, “nothing less than the fundamental aesthetic paradigm of serial and post-serial music.” He maintained this view from the 1960s through the 1980s, and thereby placed the concept of the experiment at the center of his historiography of postwar music. My paper shows that the concept of the experiment, as defined by Dahlhaus, has a uniquely German pedigree, one that is not at odds with his wider historiographic interests. By making the concept of the experiment central to his account of postwar music, Dahlhaus was thereby able to extend his historiography beyond the canon that ran from Beethoven to Schoenberg and include also later composers. In so doing, he lent the supposedly “international” postwar avant-garde a character that seems specifically German.
The usual framework of Romanesque studies is the province, such as Burgundy, Tuscany or Bavaria. In Hungary, however, it has no tradition. The usual framework is either a smaller unit (county, megye in Hungarian) or a larger territory: the entire medieval Hungarian Kingdom, i.e. the Carpathian Basin. This paper discusses the historiography of these two traditions starting with the first Hungarian art historian generation (Arnold Ipolyi, Flóris Rómer, Imre Henszlmann) to contemporaneous efforts of the topographical works of historic monuments and collections of medieval churches, mainly compiled by archaeologists on the level of the county. On the other hand, each generation published its own summary of Romanesque art of Hungary. The regional aspect is a new trend, started by the exhibition on Transdanubia in 1994, however, monographic studies are still missing.
Hungarian music historiography traditionally regards the dispute about „new Hungarian music” as a contest between conservative and progressive aesthetic views. However, the artistic problem of the Hungarian intelligentsia in the interwar period were more complex. They had tasks such as synchronizing modernism and nationalism, harmonising 19th century ideals and 20th century compositional ideas and redefining the criteria of the national musical-cultural canon.
The musicologist Bence Szabolcsi created an influential theory on peasant music inspired symphonic style already in the 1920s. He supported Kodály in his articles and he had a conscious intention to establish a new school of Hungarian music. As a young man Szabolcsi created a future oriented golden age theory based on his belief that the classical era was the absolute peak of European music. He made a diff erence between artistic creation (as a reflection of divine creation) and consciuos composition, classicism and romanticism, culture and civilization, and he regarded the latter categories as the signs of perilous European decadence from which there is no other choice but a „new classicism”, that is a „new testament”. Young Szabolcsi thought „new Hungarian music” could be the new and only path leading back to God, to culture, to music.
The Trivulziana Cod. N. 1458 is a variant of the dispatch, known as the “Landus report” in the Hungarian historiography. This report narrates the history of Hungary from the death of Louis the Great up to the peace between Matthias Corvinus and Frederick III in 1463. However, the codex of the Trivulziana Library also contains a new closing section, which narrates the events following the death of Matthias. In this paper, I examine two questions: (a) was this closing section written by the same person as the so-called Landus report?; (b) does this closing section provide us new pieces of information concerning the history of Hungary? In addition to this, I give a general account of the content of the dispatch and review its editions and its manuscript tradition. Moreover, I outline its reception in the Hungarian historiography. Finally, in the Appendix I give the transcription of the closing section of the manuscript as well as another unpublished part of the manuscript, although the examination of this will be the subject of further studies.