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Summary

This communication is concerned with the general circumstances under which the corona graeca of the Holy Crown of Hungary would have been produced in Constantinople. It is first considered in the context of „diplomatic gifts”, and is compared with other enamels of the same period that are now in Tbilisi, although it is usually agreed that these are of lower artistic standard than those in Budapest. The point is made that the crown must be the result of the same technical restrictions as any other examples of Byzantine enamel, and that this aspect of production could have involved the re-use of individual plaques, such as that with a rounded top portraying Michael VII Doukas. The question of the locality in the city where the workshop in which the crown was made is discussed, and the minimal evidence for the existence of a „palace workshop”is noted. It is suggested that the modest value of the gems in the crown could be the result of diplomatic or economic considerations; for modern eyes the contrast between them and the perfection of the enamels demands some explanation of this kind. It is pointed out that all the evidence points to there never having been any enamels used in the crowns worn by Byzantine emperors.

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Ethnology, Hungarian Academy of Sciences . Bosson , James E . 1969 . A Treasury of Aphoristic Jewels. The Subhāṣitaratnanidhi of Sa Skya Paṇḍita in Tibetan and Mongolian . Bloomington, IN & The Hague : Indiana University / Mouton . Čeremisov

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jewel barberry”. Ten grams of samples were packed in polyamide film. The drying time of the sun method was 336 h, until the desired humidity 18–20% was reached. The outside temperatures were minimum 0 ± 2 °C and maximum 25 ± 2 °C during 24 h ( Ahmadi

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The Glass Cabinet

An essay about the place of the Hungarian crown

Acta Historiae Artium Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae
Author:
Sándor Radnóti

Summary

Emergence of a scientific need for museum display. Emergence of the political need for museum display. Siting and visibility of the Hungarian crown jewels. Invisibility and visible theology of the regalia. Treasure turned work of art. Profanation of relics. Profanation of crown jewels. The Schatzkammer in Vienna. The membership of the holy crown and the holy crown. Musealization of the crown. “Re-sacralization”of the crown. Present-day status of the crown. Sacrality and museality

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ABSTRACT

The Palaiologan romances, inspired by courtly romances, align their Western models with the Byzantine literary tradition and draw from more popular patterns, such as a narrative punctuated by meta-enunciative locutions, also employing magical items and ancestral fabulous motifs, such as the flying horse (derived from the tales of One Thousand and One Nights) or the jewel swallowed by a hawk and discovered in a fish's stomach, a motif employed in the Qamar az-Zaman tale of One Thousand and One Nights.

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Abstract

The Vienna Hours, illuminated by the artist known as the “Master of Mary of Burgundy”, was originally commissioned by Margaret of York. The later parts of the manuscript commemorate the love and marriage between Mary of Burgundy and Maximilian of Habsburg, and their (newborn or expected) child.

The miniatures and texts in question convey the same idea expressed on several occasions by the official historian, Jean Molinet: in the Burgundian court, the duchess was venerated as the Virgin Mary (and in consequence of this, Maximilian – and Philip – came to be revered as the Saviour, and Frederick III, Holy Roman Emperor, as the Father). Underlying the tendency to identify Mary of Burgundy with the Virgin Mary was the situation of Burgundy and its heiress, which was understood by means of salvation-historical analogies. In the book of hours, the figures of the two Marys are conflated several times in a variety of ways (fols. 14v, 19v, 43v, 94v, 99v). The hymn in praise of the heavenly joys of the Virgin Mary, which is organically related to the frontispiece image, is thus (also) a chanted sequence for the eternal beatitude of the young bride. The painter conjured up the imaginary figure of Maximilian in the foreground of the two miniatures with window scenes, while the jewels in the border around the image of the Crucifixion scene allude to Margaret of York. These miniatures have a playful tone (as evidenced by the role-swapping between the Marys, the book-within-a-book, picture-within-a-picture, vision-within-a-vision, trompe l’oeil solutions, and the complex dialogue between objects, materials and locations).

There are a number of factors supporting the argument that the miniatures, hitherto attributed to the Master of Mary of Burgundy, were illuminated by Hugo van der Goes, who was a resident of the Red Cloister at the time, and that he was commissioned by the Austrian Archduke. The date of 1478 is rendered likely by stylistic and biographical factors (the paintings Hugo made in the cloister, both before and after, his later illness, the visit of Maximilian, the birth of Philip the Handsome). It was also at this time that Jean Molinet wrote Le Chappellet des dames, which makes multiple comparisons between the duchess and the Virgin Mary, and whose imagery is often echoed in the folios of the Vienna Hours. It is possible that the first (co-)owner of the manuscript was Maximilian of Habsburg.

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Iparművészeti tárgyak a gr. Vigyázó család gyűjteményében

Applied Art Objects in The Collection of The Counts Vigyázó

Művészettörténeti Értesítő
Author:
Hilda Horváth

Abstract

The reconstruction of the collection of the Count Vigyázó family is based on documents, archive photos as well as over 250 silver objects in the Goldsmith's Department of the Museum of Applied Arts and nearly two dozen art works (tapestry, silverware, furniture) in the art collection of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. All this is, however, only a fragment of the one-time collection associated with Count Sándor Vigyázó of Bojár (1825–1921) and his son Ferenc (1874–1928).

Apart from the acquisitions of these two counts, the collection was also enlarged through the fusion of the goods of two families. Sándor Vigyázó married baroness Zsuzsanna Podmaniczky in 1873, a wealthy scion of an Aszód-based historic family of aristocrats. The growth of the collection was also facilitated by collateral inheritance within the family as well as by purchases e.g. from the collection of Géza Kárász (1828–1888). By the 1880s the collection has assumed its final state, its prize possessions being tapestries, silverware, clocks and watches, jewels, weapons (mainly those connected to prominent historical persons) and caskets.

Similarly to the collection of the barons Radvánszky, a family related to the Vigyázós, the silver collection of the Vigyázó family had both culture and art historical significance. It displayed the diversity of the goldsmiths' craft and a wide array of their product types. Among their 16–17th century objects a considerable Hungarian selection was also included in addition to the works by Augsburg and Nuremberg masters. Specialties of the collection were a silver book cover adorned with a scene crafted after Dürer's print and a boat-shaped table ornament.

In the Vigyázó homes — in the country house at Vácrátót and in the palace at No. 1 Károly körút [boulevard] in Pest — there were also oriental objects beside the European pieces and contemporary art objects were also added to the historical collection.

The last will of Count Sándor Vigyázó dated February 15, 1919 spelt out that should his son Ferenc die without an heir (ultimus tituli in the family), all the Vigyázó property should pass on to the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. The testament of Mrs Sándor Vigyázó born Zsuzsanna Podmaniczky provided for the maintenance in the original state of the Podmaniczky mansion at Rákoskeresztúr. Count Ferenc Vigyázó committed suicide in 1928 and as he complied by his parents' wish, the Hungarian Academy of Sciences became heir-at-law of the fortune. The institution settled the pending debts and the legal claims of other heirs (sons and grandchild of the female line from Zsuzsanna Podmaniczky's first marriage) by auctioning off the nonmuseal part of the collection. The library was incorporated in the Academy and the antiques were exhibited in the Podmaniczky mansion at Rákoskeresztúr opened in 1935. In World War II part of the country house burnt out and the bulk of the collection perished. The rescued tapestries were temporarily deposited at the Museum of Applied Arts and in 1950 three crates of silverware were given to the museum on permanent loan. In 1951 the Academy took back some of the objects that became listed in 1952, and the rest of the silverware and the clocks that remained in the museum were integrated in the museum collections in 1953.

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A Magyar korona eddig ismert legkorábbi autentikus ábrázolásának keletkezéséről

A Szent Korona a Habsburg Ehrenspiegelben

The origin of the earliest known authentic representation of the Hungarian crown

The Holy Crown of Hungary in the Habsburg Ehrenspiegel
Művészettörténeti Értesítő
Authors:
Enikő Buzási
and
Géza Pálffy

In the past 35 years or so, scores of theories, some bordering on legend, have emerged about the origin of the earliest known authentic representation of the Holy Crown of Hungary. Systematic historical and art historical research, however, has reconstructed convincingly the circumstances of its creation. Contrary to the majority of assumptions proposed until now, it can now be safely declared that the earliest representation of the Hungarian crown jewel has nothing to do with the – actually fictitious – possession of the crown by the Fugger family in the mid-15th century. The handwritten work namely, in which the image survived, is not a Fuggerchronik of Munich but the history of the Habsburg dynasty (Ehrenspiegel des Hauses Österreich) written for the family of the great merchant banker, Johann Jakob Fugger (1516–1575) by the self-taught town historian, genealogist and heraldist Clemens Jäger from Augsburg (c. 1500–1561).

The two-tome manuscript of nearly 800 folios with thousands of coats of arms and hundreds of illuminations is preserved in the Bavarian State Library in Munich. The earliest known depiction of the crown was made replicas of which were unknown until recently but were identified by the authors in three richly illuminated handwritten copies of the Ehrenspiegel. All were made in Innsbruck as the outcome of the court art and art patronage of the archdukes Ferdinand and Maximilian of Tyrol in the late 16th and early 17th century. By dating the manuscripts kept today in Munich, Vienna and Dresden more accurately and analysing the crown depictions in them, the – until recently – controversial chronology of the Ehrenspiegel copies could be clarified reassuringly. A revised version commissioned by Emperor Leopold I was completed by 1668 and was also released in print by the Endter press in Nuremberg with “updated” text by the German poet Sigmund von Birken. This version also included the image of the Hungarian crown, but the publisher replaced the 16th century depiction with a more up-to-date one. It adopted the crown representation on the title-page of Mausoleum (printed in Nuremberg 1664), a series of Hungarian ruler portraits completed a little earlier upon commission from a Hungarian aristocrat and art patron, Chief Justice of Hungary (1655–1671), Count Ferenc Nádasdy. It must be attributed to the publisher’s demand for authenticity that added to the crown from the Mausoleum, which in basic forms emulated the crown image illustrating the famous tract of guardian of the crown Péter Révay published in Augsburg 1613 (De Sacrae Coronae regni Hungariae ortu... Commentarius) and reformulated several times later, he also enclosed the title-page of the politics historical work by Martin Schödel (Respublica et status Regni Hungariae, Leiden 1634) for the purpose of providing more accurate material details.

A German handwritten petition by Clemens Jäger, the author of the Habsburg family history, for a coat of arms and crown representation has been recovered in the Austrian National Library in Vienna. In it he was inquiring about the Holy Crown with reference to the work (Rerum Ungaricarum decades) of the Italian historiographer of Matthias Corvinus, the noted humanist Antonio Bonfini. This source permits us to declare: the earliest authentic representation of the Hungarian crown was made in Augsburg between April 1553 (the terminus post quem for the sending of the petition from Augsburg to Vienna) and November 1561 (the death of Jäger). Confuting earlier presumptions we can contend that instead of some mid-15th or early 16th century model, Jäger used a wholly contemporary reproduction. It showed the crown kept in the Habsburg court in Vienna from the beginning of September 1551 depicted – if we are not mistaken – by the copperplate engraver and draughtsman of antiquities (Antiquitetabconterfetter) Hans Sebald Lautensack served in Vienna from August 1554, who was in close contact with the famous Vienna court historiographer who also knew Jäger, Wolfgang Lazius. Lautensack also engraved a portrait of Lazius in 1554. Some data suggest that our safe dating (1553–1561) can be reduced to the interval between the late summer of 1554 and 1556, between the beginning of Lautensack’s service in Vienna and the publication of the historian Lazius’s great map of Hungary (1556), the latter adorned with a Holy Crown with pendants. To conclude, the earliest detailed and authentic representation of the Hungarian crown was the outcome of the collaboration of Central European historiographers, first of all historians of Augsburg and Vienna, genealogists, heraldists and engravers, without the involvement of Hungarians, as far as we know. Not that this fact would reduce in any way its outstanding significance or peculiar value.

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-Kleibrink, M. 1980 The Velsen Gems. BABesch 55, 1–28. Migotti et al. 1998 B. Migotti–M. Slaus–Z. Dukat–L. Perenic: Accede ad Certissiam. Zagreb. Nestorovic, A. 2005 Images of the World Engraved in Jewels

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1973 Két 13. századi ékszerfajta Magyarországon (Two 13th-century Types of Jewel in Hungary) . Ars Hungarica (Budapest) 67 – 95 . Laszlovszky József

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