The Lithuanian “baladeacutes” should be held to be narrative lyrics. Because of a strong lyrical trend in Lithuanian folk poetry, very often they seem to be cases between folksongs and folkballads. An attempt to explain the untragic nature of part of Lithuanian ballad-sujets is done in the article. The cause could be not only the lyrical mood of folk singers or the lack of epic as well as dramatic traditions in Lithuanian singing folklore, but on the great part the answer may be found in the medium those foreign sujets got in. In the oldest strata of Lithuanian ballads the role of mythology is of great importance, the archaic conception of death and love. It is the avoidance of rude cruelty in Lithuanian ballads that causes the absence of certain parts; the structure of sujet becomes obscure, and the inner logic of sujet is ruled out. Dramatical manner of performance is present only sometimes, but not always in Lithuanian ballads. The expression of the individual; traditional occasions to perform ballads; some poetical artificies of Lithuanian ballads; suppositional meaning of some ballads motifs; the classification of Lithuanian ballads as well as their origin is also reviewed shortly in the article.
Zsigmond Kemény, the Transylvanian-born author, in his 1850 pamphlet, After the Revolution, questioned the Romantic concept of national character, and characterized tradition as ambivalent: both a sine qua non of culture and a system of dated conventions. Kemény drew on Bentham's utilitarianism, considering the right to property to be the basis of society. Liberalism and nationalism were in conflict during the Revolution, and the fate of the Revolution showed that extremes may lead to failure.
Intellectuals and (following them) also common people remember their distant origin. Cultural memory institutions maintain references to factual and historical past, and it looks back also to mythical origins, or connections with old (since then have often been extinguished) peoples. Virgil heroificated the Trojan origin of Rome. The identity of France embraces also the Celtic Gauls, the German Franks, and the local ancestors, speaking Romance languages. Moscow heralded herself as “third Rome” (Byzantium being the “second Rome”). There are many particular forms of the so called “cultural memory”: in pointing towards the glorious or unjustly lost ancestors.Hungary is another — not neglectful — clear case of constant searching for “intermediate” forefathers. Since the Middle Ages Hungarians have been connected (both from outside or inside of the country) with the Huns, and the country’s tragic history in 15th–17th centuries was compared with that of Israel, already depicted in the Old Testament. Historians of the 18th and 19th centuries, interested in Hungary, tried to prove the “oriental” (Persian, Aryan, Turanian, etc.) bases of Hungarian language and culture. My historical report ends by the end of the 19th century, but the same tendency is actual in our days too. I call that as “proxy cultural memory” — presenting one’s own culture through a “creative reference” to different and other (old) cultures. The “proxy identity” is not constructing one’s actual identity, but it aims to invent a constructed image about something else. It has two main characteristics: it covers the times from which we do not know proper historical facts — and it is a part of ideology. As such it serves the “nation’s characterology”, ethnic stereotypes and imagology as well.
Summary Anecdotes play some role in the self-image or self-representation of Hungarians. This paper will analyse the history of Hungarian discourse on anecdotes. In the nineteenth century some theoreticians thought that not only do Hungarian anecdotes aptly characterise the nation, but the Hungarians' national fervour for anecdotes also forms an important trait of the national character. Some representatives of a “modernist' movement in Hungarian literature regarded the anecdotal character of Hungarian literature as its decisive shortcoming.
My presentation examines the factors which determine the national character of the film industry. Cinema has always been a global phenomenon in the sense that films are marketed internationally and are judged by the international community (awards, festivals, and cultural events). Films employ a universal language and use global generic conventions; this supranational feature is also true for the background institutions of film (production infrastructure, finance, and coproduction). My presentation overviews two national film industries: the Slovenian and the Belarus cinema. The culture of these two countries is situated within a larger political, cultural, and linguistic community, and thus affected by factors and forces associated with the centre and the periphery. The film industry in these two countries is shaped by the place of production, the nationality of the director, and language.
Great cities are usually considered to be cites of modernity, so it may seem a bit bizarre to connect them with national identity. Indeed, the face of the Hungarian capital is rather international, reflecting well the universal tendencies of modernization and urbanization that occurred from the end of 18th century. There are, however, some key-buildings and a few other examples in Budapest that give evidence of a counter intention: to provide architecture with a distinctive character as an expression of Hungarian nationality in a modern sense. The 19th century was a high period of Nationalism, and the issue of national style in the arts was raised in many places in Europe and even in the Americas. How could it have been avoided in a multi-ethnic Hungary that tried in vain to regain its independence from the Habsburg Empire throughout the century? It is no wonder that the national character of the arts was the subject of a more or less permanent discussion from the 1850s to the outbreak of World War I. The following paper offers an overview of the urban development of Budapest, followed by presentation of the concepts of the national style with reference to the example of buildings erected in the capital city and a brief discussion of their antecedents.
Az evéssel kapcsolatos civilizációs zavarok gyakoribbá válásának hátterében a kulturális hatások lényegesek. Ezek között a nemzeti identitásvesztés fontos lehet. A nemzeti identitás kialakulásában az ételekkel és étkezéssel kapcsolatos hagyományok szerepe alapvető. A nemzeti szimbólumok között számos étel található, amelyeket gyakran használunk a nemzetek jellemzésében. Az ételek fontos szerepet töltenek be a kulturális emlékezetben is. A közös emlékezet jelentősége nagy az identitásban, s az ételekre, ételkészítésre való emlékezés a kultúrákban fontos etnikai összetartó erő. Ezt segíti az ételek és az étkezés időt strukturáló hatása is. A globalizáció korában a nemzeti ételek segítik a speciális nemzeti karakter megőrzését, de az európai szokásokhoz való alkalmazkodás megkívánja az ételkészítés átalakulását is. A jövő kérdése, hogy ez a hatás mennyire jár a nemzeti identitás csökkenésével, és fokozza-e az evéssel kapcsolatos patológiás megnyilvánulások gyakoriságát.