WHAT IS RUGA IN BANAT? The celebration of the day of the patronsaint of the local church is a custom that is widespread among Christians in various parts of the world. In the plain and mountain areas of the Romanian Banat region, this day is
Veneration of Saint John of Nepomuk in Hungary in the Past - Saint John of Nepomuk is the patron of Bohemia, one of the heavenly patrons of the Society of Jesus. He is also an important figure of Baroque popular religion in Eastern Europe and Hungary. His cult in Central Europe was spread by the Jesuits in the late 16th century. Because of his martyrdom (he was drowned) he is regarded as the patron saint of those who go on water, and of fishermen. In many places his statue stands beside rivers or streams, near bridges and ferries. Portrayals of him also appear on small devotional pictures. The article examines the cult of Saint John of Nepomuk in Hungary in the context of Central Europe. It presents in particular his veneration is the south of the Hungarian Great Plain and in Szeged, rites and customs linked to his feast (May 16th).
The manuscript Ms. 2372 of the Jagiellonian Library in Kraków contains a notated fragment of an early 12th-century Hungarian antiphoner as a flyleaf. The text written with late Caroline Minuscule is accompanied by two types of music notation. The recitative and formulaic chants appearing in the rubrics (responsoria brevia and versicles of the horae minores) are notated with diastematic neumes. The main text containing the antiphons and responsoria prolixa is written with what is probably the earliest example of the medieval Hungarian (Strigonian) chant notation. The fragment is also remarkable because of its unique content. While the recto contains the standard repertory of the office for St Michael, the verso includes chants from the historia Perennis patrie regis of St Demetrius of Thessaloniki venerated in medieval Hungary as one of its patron-saints. The Cracovian fragment represents the oldest testimonial of the historia discovered so far.
For vinegrowers, particularly those in Transdanubia, Upper Hungary and Transylvania, St Donatus, martyr bishop of Arezzo, is a popular patron saint. Devotion to the saint began in earnest in Germany during the baroque period. When his relics were taken from Rome and Münster in the Rhineland an accompanying priest was struck by lightning only to survive unscathed. It was a miracle that was explained by the divine intervention of St Donatus. Devotion to the saint consequently spread rapidly in the Rhine wine region. Since the 18th century processions have also been held and supplications made to the saint in Austria and Hungary on his feast day (August 7th) to ward off natural disasters, lightning and hail. The feast day of St Donatus is celebrated on two different days: August 7th in Székesfehérvár and Csókakő and July 14th in Budafok, with Eger celebrating on the second Sunday in July. The explanation lies in the Roman martyrology, where August 7th marks the martyrdom Donatus shared with the monk Hilarinus, while July 16th was the date their bodies were taken to Ostia. It is account of their joint martyrdom that St Donatus’s death is also commemorated on this day.
In the 14th century iconography of St Ladislaus there is an ensemble in which the sainted king is sitting on a throne. The earliest known relic of this maiestas type is bishop of Várad András Bátori's pontifical seal (1329–45). The high priest on confidential terms with King Charles Robert is credited with the renovation and enlargement of Várad (Oradea) cathedral including the erection of new altarpieces and the transformation of old ones. The first impression of his pontifical seal is dated 1338, which marks a turning point in the traditional composition of pontifical seals. They customarily featured the stationary figure of the archbishop or bishop, and later (from the beginning of the 14th century) the patron saint of the diocese with high priests at prayer around him or her. In the middle of the Bátori seal neither the bishop, nor the patron saint of the cathedral (Beata Maria Virgo), but King Saint Ladislaus can be seen (it was the king who had transferred the seat of the Bihar bishopric to Várad and founded the cathedral). Previously, St Ladislaus only featured on the seal of the Várad chapter from 1291. After its release the sedentary type spread quickly. Its extant specimens include a – by now perished – mural in the St Michael church of Kolozsvár, and the starting scenes in three fresco cycles on the legend of St Ladislaus in Transylvania (Gelence [Ghelinta], Homoródszentmárton [Martiniş], Homoródkarácsonyfalva [Craciunel]). The best known examples are the silver coins issued by King Louis I the Great from 1364. Highly distinguished among the relics is a mould for casting pigrim's badges fished out of the Seine in 1894. The casting mould gives us a clue as to what kind of a St Ladislaus altarpiece was venerated in Várad. This conclusion is justified by the fact that a pilgrim's badge always portrayed a votive icon or statue at the place of pilgrimage, with tiny copies of other saints specifically worshipped at the shrine. This applies to this casting mould as well, hence it features the schematic representation of the picture erected on St Ladislaus's renewed altar at the time of András Bátori – and this representation is identical with the picture of the bishop's seal. Concerning the Bátori seal, it was Jolán Balogh (1900–1986) who first hypothesized a Neapolitan link. On the basis of the quite obvious compositional correspondences, one can conclude that this link must have been Simone Martini's altarpiece of Saint Louis of Toulouse (1317) in Naples, which had a specially high ideological importance for the Anjous.
The enthroned St Ladislaus picture was undoubtedly a cultic image for the Hungarian Angevin kings, with ideological-typological roots in the Neapolitan court. The Hungarian branch of the family also adhered to the cults and iconographic traditions of Naples but they tried to adapt them to the circumstances of their new country with a view to superseding and modernizing the earlier models.
An oil painting on a copper plate in an ornate brownstained wooden frame with carved rosettes and meanders from around 1700 cropped up in the art trade. It shows a young woman in decorative garments reminiscent of Maria Theresa’s portraits. She is wearing a diadem studded with gems and pearls, and holds a palm branch in her right hand with a bracelet of pearls on her wrist. Her charming but self-assured smile evokes a legend. There is a sword stuck into her above her heart – the attribute of her martyrdom. She holds her golden mantle interwoven with blood red in her left hand. As the iconographic marks reveal, the picture represents St Justina of Padua.
In the Martyrologium Romanum of great source value compiled by the historian cardinal of the Apostolic Library, Baronius in 1631 during Pope Urban VIII the feast day of St Justina is October 7. In it he notes that Venantius Fortunatus (540-600), the excellent early Christian poet also eulogized her. In Missale Romanum ordered by Saint pope Pius V in 1570 there is one martyred virgin saint from Antioch by this name with the feast day of 26 September, for October 7 was the commemoration day of the victory over the enormous Ottoman army at Lepanto from that year on by the name of S. Maria de Victoria, the Victorious Virgin.
In the diocese of Padua, in Venice and in the order of St Benedict St Justina as shown in this picture has been venerated from the Middle Ages. They selected her as their patron saint, minted their coins with her portrait. The grand church of the saint is a Benedictine abbey.
Justina came from a high-class family. From her youth she professed her faith bravely and encouraged her fellow believers to do so. Emperor Maximilian arrived in Padua in 307 and had several Christians brought there to pass judgement on them. Hearing it, Justina donned a festive costume and rushed to the help of the captive Christians. When she was interrogated, not even the emperor could get her to denounce her faith and she was sentence to death.
Over her tomb the prefect of the city Oppilio had a commemorative chapel and later a church built in the early 5th century. Remains of the latter can still be seen in the huge Renaissance basilica built between 1502 and 1550. The high altar includes the corpse of St Justina and a large statue of her is also on the altar. In terms of art more important is the life-size figure of Justina in the sculptural group created by Donatello for the high altar of the St Anthony Basilica. It is presumable that the votive picture was brought home by a Hungarian student returning from his studies in Padua.
The funerary monument of John, duke of Berry (1340–1416) was completed and erected in Bourges's Sainte-Chapelle upon the order of Charles VII, his heir general. The questions such tombs raise include some concerning construction and architecture, and – when they were demonstrably not bought ready-made or the extant written order is not restricted to general features usually only concerning the attire – the question of portraiture may also be deliberated in connection with 13–15th century gisants and funerary sculpted monuments. It is evident that Jean de Berry's tomb includes a portrait, but the finished tomb was not ordered in this form by Charles VII, nor was it envisaged by the carver of the effigy and the five alabaster mourners (pleurants) but it was probably designed by the duke himself in collaboration with André Beauneveu during his lifetime. Archival data support the attribution to Jean de Cambrai, but it was André Beauneveu, Duke Jean's contemporary and artistic adviser according to Froissart, the carver of portrait-like royal effigies, who drew up the exact design of the monument for Jean de Cambrai, who, in turn, took over Beauneveu's workshop and probably most of his commissions in the early 1400s. This is proven by the expensive and delicate material, white marble, of the lying effigy (the parts ordered to be completed by the king are of cheaper alabaster), the inscription of an unusual tone held by the gisant and the bear lying at the duke's feet. Although the bear was the grand seigneur's emblem, it was also more than that: it was an honoured pet of his mé-nage for decades and the companion of the duke towards the end of his life. A bear is unusual at this part of a tomb which usually features conventional animals (dog, lion). Here the relationship between human and the curled-up bear at his feet has an unusually intimate, personal overtone. The bear figure is also a portrait: it was not made with the impersonality of the correct but perfunctory adoption of the few available bear depictions (mostly in pattern books). The designer thus composed Jean de Berry's tomb with great care. A similarly spectacular heraldic device adorns the tomb of Margaret de Bohum (†1391), wife of Hugh de Courtney, Earl of Devon, in Exeter Cathedral, but the pair of swans is only a spectacular element and not an equivalent complement to the effigy portrait. There remained hardly any trace of the influence of a four-year stay in England in 1360–64 upon the young duke and art patron after the destruction of his buildings and treasury, but one thing is certain: he chose his heraldic devices in imitation of the English dukes. The origins of the swan-bear charges and the motto Le temps vendrá have not been explained satisfactorily yet.
Concerning the duke's heraldic animals, the first to refer to a strophe in Jean de Berry's nephew, King René d'Anjou's Livre du coeur d'amour épris is Guiffrey. After him everyone in the research literature explained the heraldic bear with this strophe which only mentions a cygne blanc navré, creating a beloved English dame, Miss Ursin (Urcin) from the name of the patron saint (Saint Ursin) of the new estate of John of France, the duchy of Berry and its capital city, Bourges.
In the duke of Berry's farewell, his last portraiture the bear is just as important an element as are the broad, coarse face of the grand seigneur, his band crown and ermine-lined mantle, as well as the motto that he presses to his shoulder with his never-aging, almost boneless hand.
St John of God is the patron saint of booksellers and bookbinders. An engraving by Joseph Anton Schmidt of Augsburg depicts him, still in civilian clothes, in a baroque printing office of the engraver’s time, around 1770. Johann Andreas Pfeffel jr. made an engraved portrait of his father with a German text of 8 lines under it. My collection has two engravings from around 1670 showing engraving workshops.
Hereafter I am going to list types of Christ. In Johann Andreas Pfeffel sr.’s composition the triumphant Saviour is standing on the instruments of Passion on top of Golgotha, with the flag of Easter in his right hand. His favourite disciple is holding to a rope lowered by the Heavenly Father, his feet treading on the column of the flagellation. The meaning of the allegorical picture is illumined by a quotation from St John’s Gospel (6,44). The Lord Triumphing over Death is reminiscent of a painting by Giovanni Battista Tinti: the blood flowing from Jesus’s heart is gathered by an angel in a cup. Christ’s foot is treading on a skull, he is holding his cross with the wreath of thorns. The mannerist painter of Parma drew inspiration from Michelangelo’s Risen Christ in Rome’s S. Maria sopra Minerva. In a book illustration Pfeffel depicts the blood and water from the side of the transfigured Saviour as the material of the Eucharist, adoring angels gathering it in a chalice and a pitcher.
In Buda’s Víziváros district, on the first side altar on the right in the former Franciscan church (later belonging to the sisters of St Elizabeth) a painted version of the votive statue of Vir Dolorum in Matrei in Tyrol, of which János Fülöp Binder made an engraving, was venerated.
Two monumental works by Michelangelo Buonarroti convey the mystery of Easter. The statue of Jesus in BasBassano Romano was made by Michelangelo earlier (1514- 16) and can thus be taken as precedent to the sculpture of a similar theme in S. Maria sopra Minerva (1521). The dominant attribute is the cross. In the earlier sculpture, in addition to the ropes, sponge and loincloth, the robe of mockery is dropped by Christ’s left hand onto the column of his flogging, which also serves as support.
There is a short red jasper column in the middle of a recess opening from the St Zeno chapel in Rome’s Basilica di S Prassede. Cardinal Giovanni Colonna, the commander of the papal army of the fifth crusade (1219) brought it home from the Holy Land and set it up in 1223. It is allegedly the column of Christ’s flagellation. The Greek emperor Alexios I Komnenos listed the relics kept in Constantinople in 1092: he already mentioned the purple robe and the reed. A register of 1200 includes the sponge, the purple chlamys and the reed in the sanctuary of Hagia Sophia. After the transfer of the relics to Rome, the reed with the sponge could be found in the reliquary of the Sancta Sanctorum in the Lateran. The Lord’s loincloth was preserved in the cathedral of Aachen visited by pilgrims for plenary indulgence as late as the 16th century.
A tanulmány az előző számban azonos címmel közölt cikk folytatása. Ebben a részben először a sopronbánfalvi Hegyi templom alaprajzának és tájolásának csillagászati hátterét vizsgálja (4. fejezet); az elemzés alapvetően a XV. században épült apszisra vonatkozik. Az apszis imago mundi rendeltetése hűen tükrözi a pálos szemléletet: ez a látásmód a teremtett Univerzum egységét és az Örökkévaló érzékelését geometriai, csillagászati, filozófiai analógiák által lépésről lépésre közelíti meg. Az analógiák felismerésére és helyes értelmezésükre a védőszent legnagyobb ünnepéhez kötött, rejtett szakrális geometria vezeti rá a szemlélőt.
Az 5. fejezet az említett szakrális geometria szerves részét képező Mária-oszlop holdnaptár vonatkozásait elemzi. Az oszlopszent kulcsfontosságú összekötő, közvetítő szerepet tölt be a templom-apszis és az évszázadokkal később épült lépcsősor szimbólumrendszere között. Ez a szerep az oszlopon álló Szent Szűz alakjára teljesülő csillagászati, naptári, geometriai konstellációk felismerése által tudatosul a szemlélőben. Egyértelművé válik, hogy a tanulmányban elemzett három szakrális objektum szerves egységet képez, függetlenül megépítésük idejétől. Bebizonyosodik a lépcsősor szimbólumrendszerének szakrális célja: az Immaculata-oszloppal együtt rávezetni a szemlélőt a templom rejtett szakrális geometriájára és annak üzenetére.
A tanulmány végül kísérletet tesz arra, hogy az alkalmazott szimbólumrendszer eredetét, lehetséges gyökereit feltárja, kimutatva egy mélyebb kontextusban közös elemeit a Mithras-relieffel. Az összekötő elem a precesszió, amiről (ha okáról nem is) a két rendszer egyaránt tudott. A pálosoknál azonban nem misztikus ködbe burkoltan jelenik meg az üzenetet kifejező szimbolizmus, hanem megtervezett kompozícióba foglalt, tudományos igazságok által.
A nagyságrenddel mélyebb kifejezésmód és az egyértelmű szimbolika világviszonylatban teszi egyedülállóvá ezt a szakrális építménykomplexumot. Hűen tükrözi a hívő hitbéli tudatosságát, és általában a magyarság régmúltban gyökeredző szellemi minőségét.