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Abstract

The frescoes decorating the stateroom of the Episcopal palace of Szombathely were painted by Franz Anton Maulbertsch in 1783 on commission from bishop János Szily. The lateral walls received scenes from the history of the Roman predecessor of the town Savaria in the form of grisaille murals imitating bronze reliefs. The four paintings – Tiberius Claudius founds Savaria, Septimius Severus is elected emperor, Triumph of Constantinus Chlorus, and Attila chases the Romans out of Pannonia – conjure up the Roman world with a multitude of detail and with historical authenticity. Besides, they also deliberately apply the iconographic and compositional rules of relief sculpture in the Imperial Period. This historicizing rendering is an indicator of the new accent on historism, suggesting the 18th century transformation of the concept of history fed by the recognition of the historical distance between the event and the observer.

The ceiling shows the process of salvation under the governance of Providence. Some elements were borrowed by Maulbertsch from his earlier work in the former library of the Premonstratensian monastery in Louka, Moravia. The theme is the temporal process of the enlightenment of mankind, but the historical examples are replaced here by abstract notions, the time and space coordinates appearing highly generalized. In the middle the allegorical figure of Divine Providence arrives on clouds, with personifications of the Old and New Testaments beneath him suggesting periods in the history of salvation. As a counterpoint to Providence bringing the glimmer of dawn, the Allegory of the Night is depicted at the other end of the ceiling. The two sleeping figures are captives of the lulling power of the fauns symbolizing irrational existence governed by instincts. The pseudo-reliefs and sculptures painted in the corners represent heathenism, the ante legem period of the process of salvation. The medallions show typical episodes of bacchanals of putti, and the grisaille figures most likely repeat motifs of the bacchanal scene in the Louka fresco. The themes of the other three colour frescoes are Europe's apotheosis among the continents, Revelation of the True Religion, and the Apotheosis of Truth in the company of Religion, Humility and the Christian martyrs. It is actually a modernized psychomachy, presenting the victory of Christianity, faith and the virtues over paganism, the instincts and vices. The allegoric groups are witty renderings of conventional formulae.

The rich painted architecture of the ceiling is based on Paul Decker's pattern sheet complemented with neoclassical elements but preserving its irrational character. The illusory architecture, the rivaling lifelikeness of colourful and monochrome figures creates a play of degrees of reality that mobilize the imagination. Maulbertsch's pictorial world can be characterized with the concepts of delicieux and charmant used to describe Mozart's music; his tools of expression convey an ease and serenity that are not light-minded but with the tools of subtle irony and humour invite the viewer for more sophisticated reflections, contrary to the propagandistic allegories.

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Among the ideas and images both preterhuman and preterhuman which fascinated Romantic writers, visual artists, and musicians, arguably none was more ubiquitous than „The Night.” The strikingly pervasive nature of the idea was due, to a considerable extent, to its insubstantiality.

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The aim of this paper is to demonstrate how speakers of Polish and Hungarian conceptualize the concept of <death> and <life>, more specifically how they impersonate and animalize it. In this paper, the authors focus only on examples in which the lexemes death and life are treated as a living organism or its parts.

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. Houghtalin : The personifications of the Roman provinces. [Manuscript.] Bryn Mawr 1996. Hughes 2009 = J. Hughes : Personifications and the ancient viewer: The case of the Hadrianeum ‘nations’. Art History

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Abstract

1. Andrea Mantegna's painting known by the name Pallas Expelling the Vices from the Garden of Virtue (fig. 1) could not have been created without knowledge of three frescoes in the lower church of Assisi (figs 2–4).

My arguments are not based on verbal but on visual sources. The former possibility is precluded by the lack of any written information on Mantegna's presence in Assisi. What is certain is that the Mantuan court painter was working in the chapel of pope Innocent VIII's Belvedere villa between June 1488 and the summer of 1490. It is hard to imagine that he did not visit Assisi's San Francesco basilica during this time, one of Christianity's main shrines of pilgrimage endowed with the promise of papal absolution. (Isabella d'Este is known to have been there in 1494.)

Pallas – the second painting after Parnassus for the studiolo of Isabella d'Este in Mantua – was painted sometime between 1497 and 1502. The venue is the Garden of Virtues into which the Vices have intruded and they have imprisoned somebody behind a solid stone wall on the right. The person is invisible, her lament is written on a banderole fluttering parallel with the picture plane: “Gods, help me, the mother of the virtues!” On the left a female figure turned into a tree reminding one of Daphne is also calling for help. In the middle Diana and the personification of Chastity are running, followed by Pallas Athena rushing into the garden. As the intruders catch sight of them, they take to flight: a satyr mother with many children at the back, Idleness and Sloth in front are running away. Only one of them wouldn't let herself be bothered by the appearance of the determined gods: sensual earthly Venus is standing flirtatiously on the back of a centaur. However, she can't feel safe for long, as the inscription of the picture says: “when laziness is done away with, Amor's arrow also misses it target.” The modern-time title of the painting is inaccurate: we are witnessing the moments before the freeing of the mater virtutum.

In the Assisi lower church the four cells of the vault above the high altar are decorated with four frescoes: the western cell with the apotheosis of Saint Francis, the other three with monumental allegories of a Franciscan virtue each: Poverty (fig. 2), Chastity (fig. 3) and Obedience (fig. 4). The composition of the latter three is similar: the central axis is indicated by the personification of the monastic vow, with images of the exercise of the given virtue on the iconographic right and the invalidation of the respective vice on the left. The dating of the frescoes wavers between 1315 and 1330; though it is still disputed if they are by Giotto's hand, his invention is beyond doubt. Mantegna must have seen the three virtue allegories.

2. In the foreground of Pallas the oddity of one of the figures fleeing from the realm of Chastity is second to none. It is the third figure from left, the personification of several vices at the same time (fig. 5). It has a monkey head, a human body with a female right breast and male left breast. Its naked body is tied round with a rope to which bags and ribbons are fixed. Its skin complexion is dark. Upon the appearance of Pallas Athena, it flees with head turned back, right hand raised. Its right leg stepping forward wades into the mud shin-deep, the other leg sinks to the thigh.

In Assisi, Cupido (AMOR) is fleeing from the realm of Chastity in a similar manner and with similar attributes. To the strap thrown over his naked body the hearts it has stolen are fastened instead of bags and ribbons. He also turns his head back and holds a flower in his left hand the way Mantegna's figure holds the scroll. His leg taking a large step towards the abyss changes into griffon's claws where the other figure's leg sinks into mud. The right hand of the hermaphrodite lifted defensively owes to Passion (ARDOR) in flight behind Cupido. In Assisi a dark-complexioned human body with an animal head belongs to an Assisi vice, Impurity (IMMUNDITIA) already fallen into the abyss. Even irregular hermaphroditism has its inspiring source, if not prototype, in Assisi: The upper body of Saint Francis personifying Obedience is asymmetrical and the ropes fastening the yoke round his neck also remind one of the figure at issue (fig. 7).

To continue the motivic analogies: the right hand, head posture, and dread of the Cupido figure in Assisi live on in Mantegna's Sloth (INERTIA, second from left). The Assisi personification of Ardour returns in the satyr mother with many children in the Mantuan studiolo: both have an animal lower body, turn their heads back and flee with flowing hair. Athena storming in with a lance is a more temperamental variant of an angel in the Chastity allegory who is pushing the vices into the depth with a lance. (The energetic gesture of the goddess is reminiscent of the little boy's throwing a stone at Poverty.) One of the iconic predecessors of the figure turned into a tree and reminding one of Daphne is the personification of Poverty (figs 8, 9): the thin and tired bride stands bare-foot in a thorny bush which turns into a leafy and blossoming tree behind her. At the left of the Chastity allegory three ecstatic believers are progressing toward St Francis with raised arms; their memory recurs in the middle of Mantegna's composition in the figures of Diana and Chastity.

Finally, in both compositions a passionately backward looking centaur has a prominent role: in Assisi it is the only antagonist of Obedience as the personification of Arrogance, while in Mantua Venus impudica symbolizing Luxuria is standing coquettishly on its back. Besides, the centaur is the hallmark of artistic freedom in both cases.

3. The last sentence leads over to another type of analogies that are to be considered among the causes, not the effects of the borrowing. The genre of the allegory and within that a special subtype – allegorical fiction in narrative form – is similar in both cases. Personae of different quality belonging to different segments of time, and metaphors transformed into spectacular images are lively, convincing actors of equal rank in seemingly real dramatic situations. The presence and character of explanatory inscriptions also belong to the peculiarities of the genre: they name the personifications but provide no clues as to the real meaning of the whole picture.

As regards the theme, in both places Virtues triumph over Vices. For the iconography of Pallas the Assisi allegory of Chastity is particularly relevant. In both pictures carnal love is the arch enemy: in Assisi it is represented by Cupido, in Mantua an inscription alludes to it. From this (too) it follows that the heroines overcoming the arrows of Amor must be closely similar.

In Mantegna's painting the hidden heroine is not Pallas but the imprisoned lady of the garden. (In my opinion the mater virtutum is none other than the heavenly Venus as Caritas.) Her antagonist is the earthly Venus standing on a centaur, and the “arrow of Amor” cited by the inscription. Her mock image is the satyr mother with the many children. To her does the personification of Chastity bring an extinguished torch. The reason why it is so urgent to liberate her is that Isabella should be free from the disturbing vices, particularly from the arrows of Amor, and the marchesa could spend her free time meaningfully, devoted to the arts.)

Among the predecessors of this peculiar solution – the invisibility of the protagonist – is also the Chastity allegory in Assisi (fig. 3). “S CASTITAS” is hardly visible in her castle massively defended by warriors (her figure is reminiscent of Danae); the two angels on either side appear to rush to her aid. (Vasari opined that she was being attacked from two sides, which rather supports than weakens our argument.) Her major adversary is the robber of hearts Cupido. The rivalry between Chastity withdrawn to the tower and carnal love is repeated – mutatis mutandis – in Pallas in the opposition of the still imprisoned mother of virtues and still self-confident Venus/Luxuria.

4. It would be a gross mistake to accuse Mantegna of a lack of invention on the basis of the exposed connections: he is one of the most imaginative painters of the renaissance. His imagination had to feed on something, too. Cennino Cennini, who was the first to use fantasia in the renaissance sense suggested to the painters that they should penetrate “into the darkness of nature” to be able to find out non-existent things. Mantegna's zoo- and anthropomorphic clouds and rocks were inspired by real cloud and rock formations and by ancient anecdotes, and when he painted Pallas, he recaptured his memories of Assisi.

Instead of lessening his merit, his borrowings further enhance it. First, it is possible that exactly upon the influence of Assisi he recommended his lady that the second painting for the study should elaborate on the theme of Virtue triumphing over the Vices and the “arrow of Amor”. Second, it proves his greatness that he drew on the set of art works that was the only true prototype for his allegory as regards theme, meaning and genre.

It can be added that both works were epochal in their respective ages and media, for similar reasons. Both painters ventured onto unbeaten paths, painting so-far never depicted themes with similar tools. One visualized an intricate Franciscan ideological system, the other a humanist system of ideas in the special language of allegorical fiction. The intention of the client who ordered the pictures was the same: to encourage the viewers to lead moral, meaningful lives. The images of the Virtues and Vices are shocking, effective, unusual, convincing in both pictures; they stick to our memory as imagines agentes for long. Both Giotto and Mantegna developed and applied a new and autonomous visual language that can argue on its own terms.

As for Mantegna, it can be concluded that the sources of the painter taking the course of the maniera moderna, who looked upon himself proudly as a new Zeuxis or Apelles, should be sought, apart from ancient literature and Roman art, also in the Middle Ages, in the allegories of the trecento.

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A driving force in Vergil’s Aeneid is the hostility of Juno to the Trojans as they approach, and finally arrive in Italy. The epic in some ways mirrors the opposition encountered by Augustus as the new ruler of Rome. Juno’s opposition to the Trojans has its origin not only in Greek mythology, but in the history of the local peoples of Italy with whom early Romans had to contend. From the outset of the poem she becomes the personification of these opposing forces. Once the Trojans finally reach mainland Italy, she sets in motion a long war, although the one depicted in the Aeneid was not as long as the real wars Romans waged with the Latin League and with the many of the tribes of Italy, including the Veii. The reality of the wars Rome had to contend with are here compared to the relatively brief one depicted in the Aeneid, and the pacification of Juno reflects the merging of the different peoples of Rome with their subjugator.

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In the years 1994-1996 a painted vault of a house in the Roman civilian town Brigetio was excavated in present-day Komárom/Szőny, Hungary. The wall-paintings, which date back to the late 2nd-early 3rd cents. A.D., represent the personifications of the Four Seasons as female busts in the corners, four panthers in the middle of the side-walls and a circular central motive with the figure of a nude woman and a horse. On the basis of relevant astrological sources the paintings on the vault can be interpreted as symbolic representations of the spheres of the sky (the aer and the aether) and of eternity. The central medallion, which creates a delusive impression of an oculus, shows the fixed constellations Andromeda and Pegasus in the highest spheres of the sky. Parallel ideas from the Roman pagan art and the Christian / early Byzantine art indicate that the concept was widespread from the 1st to the 6th cents. A.D., being echoed also by the descriptions and illustrations in some sources of the late antiquity, like, for instance, the Christian Topography of Cosmas Indicopleustes.

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Summary

The thougths about the Muses of Guarino da Verona can not be considered as excentric. The fact, that even two Muses concerning Agriculture represented in the Studiolo cycle, may go back to the enthusiasm of Ferrarese humanists for country life as well as for bucolic literature. Polyhymnia in her rather simple appearence could be a personification of the pastoral Muse. Beyond several details of the series (e.g. robes open on the paunch, the head ornament of Thaleia) supposedly is a dialogue between painters and humanists. The artists might have done their best in giving an antiquizing aspect to their Muses. The Painter of Terpsychore took motifs from a Medeia-sarcophagus, while the model for Urania could be found in representations of Mars and Venus. Panofsky's “principle of disjunction”seems as valuable for these cases, as for the relation between Antiquity and Christian art. The formulation of Polyhymnia was influenced by a drawing made after antiquity, so, according to our actual knowledge, this is the first Renaissance painting representing a classical subject matter in an antique form. Hipothetically some of the drawings attributed to the so called ‘Anonimo dell’ Ambrosiana' and the painting of Urania and Polyhymnia could be attributed to Bono da Ferrara.

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The article is devoted to the question in which way Lithuanians and Lithuanian phenomena are represented in the oldest East Slavic chronicles (Novgorodian I, Laurentian [Suzdal'] and Hypatian [Kievan, Galician, and Volhynian] codices) in the entries up to the end of the 13th century. The analysis shows that the Hypatian codex, in particular its Galician-Volhynian part, contains most substantial entries on Lithuanians and Lithuania, whereas the bulk of entries in the Novgorodian and in the Laurentian (Suzdal') codices tend to be elementary and stereotypical. The epitheta used with regard to Lithuanians (“godless”, “damned”) are not to be viewed only in the context of Lithuanian heathenism. When the East Slavs had Lithuanians as allies in their war campaigns, no epitheta were used at all. Only Daumantas and Vaišalgas, who fought along with the East Slavs against the Lithuanians, are treated as “good Lithuanians”, whereas Mindaugas and Traidenas come off as personifica­tions of all “Lithuanian evil”. Mindaugas is the Lithuanian grand duke (king), who remains in the focus of the chronicles, in particular the Galician-Volhynian codex. He is also the first Lithuanian who appears in the chronicles as an acting person whose motives and goals are interpreted consecutively in the chronicles. His baptism in the Latin rite is described as a fraud. The appendix contains a synopsis of all entries on Lithuanian matters mentioned in the three oldest East Slavic chronicles.

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Abstract

The paper attempts to interpret a so-far unpublished engraving without signature or date, and to identify the circumstances and date of its creation. The starting clues for the interpretation are two well-known heraldic motifs: the coat of arms of the Hungarian Kingdom and that of the Austrian line of the Habsburg dynasty. The former is held by an allegorical female figure — the personification of Hungaria, the latter is kept by a young ruler wearing a crown, on the right and left of the composition respectively. The essential message of the composition also emphasized by other motifs is obvious: the “meeting”, interdependence, mutually useful collaboration of the regnum and the dynasty is the principal theme. Beyond this general idea, however, the composition has more concrete implications. It wishes to indicate the precedents, historical causes of this advantageous and beneficial concord and cooperation as well as the valid and worthwhile future perspectives from the vantage point of the time of creation.

This context lends special appeal and importance to the question who — whose ideal portrait — can be identified with the crowned male figure carrying the Habsburg arms. It must be someone who in the clearly hungaricus context is entitled to embody the competence, aptitude and resoluteness of the Habsburg rulers. The answer will be obvious if we consider where the Habsburgs' long and often manifested aspiration for the acquisition or preservation of the Hungarian throne comes from. To be more precise: if we name the ruler of the Habsburg dynasty who, by the grace of God (Dei gratia) and by the will of the estate, firstly became the king of Hungary.

The successor to Sigismund of Luxemburg, Albert I of Habsburg — the person we were looking for — had a short reign, but his figure was remembered with acknowledgement and respect by posterity. The bicentenary of his accession to the throne (1 January 1438) was celebrated by several commemorative events at the time of the diet sitting in Pozsony in 1637—38. Great emphasis was laid on the anniversary in the political publications of the period as well, particularly in the Latin works whose publication was promoted by the bishop of Eger — later archbishop of Esztergom — György Lippay. The engraving presented in the paper was made for one of these publications as a frontispiece. Consequently, it might have been ordered by György Lippay, which is also proven by the dedication to him in Latin and the coat of arms of the bishop in the middle of the engraving.

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