Ádám , Z.
( 2018 ): Authoritarian Populism at Work: A Political Transaction Cost Approach with Reference to Viktor Orbán's Hungary . UCL Centre for Comparative Studies of Emerging Economies (CCSEE), Working Paper Series , No. 2
above factor is the fact that the world seems to have become more populist and less open in recent years, and populism is having a growing impact on free trade, that had been based on globally shared rules. Populism is stimulating trade restrictions
In the 1930s in Hungary, the periodical
Magyar Szemle (Hungarian Review)
ranked as the foremost intellectual review of conservative thinking. Edited by the pro-establishment historian Gyula Szekfű, the journal provided important intellectual ammunition to the traditionalists of the right, in other words those who for various reasons sought to hold on to István Bethlen’s version of moderate conservatism in ideology and a parliamentary system of limited pluralism and authoritarian checks in practice. The 1930s, however, bore witness to several challenges to the Horthy regime. The rise of the extreme right and the emancipatory (though often also fervently nationalist) program of the so-called
) writers presented coherent political alternatives to the prevailing order for the first time since the marginalization and emaciation of the left in the wake of the 1918–19 revolutions. Simultaneously, the country had to grapple with the emergence of Nazi Germany as an expansionist great power in the region. In this complicated situation, authors of
confronted what they perceived as a dual threat: the increasing appeal of German imperialism and German political and historical thinking. Many intellectuals of the time, feeling that the German political challenge should be resisted through the adoption and adaptation of innovative German thinking on politics and history, espoused the new ideologies emanating from the unquestioned cultural center of Central Europe in some form.
, however, emerged as a hub for public intellectuals who sought to hold on to a conservatism both more traditional and more open to some of the ideas of liberalism and who refused to abandon the established view of Hungarian history for a more ethnically conscious vision of the past. In the context of the dual German challenge of the 1930s,
represented a site of intellectual resistance not so much against direct German political ambitions but against the new wave of German political thought and interpretations of history.
The principal claim of the essay is that sentiments and assumptions about sentiments - have an important role in setting up constitutional designs and interpretation (“evolving standards of decency”); - constitutional arrangements do have impacts on social emotions; - the disregard of the interrelation of emotions and other forms of cognition condemns legal theory to one-sidedness and the efforts of behavioral economics seem not to undo this one-sidedness. For example, fear is present in the making of many constitutions. Constitutions are designed to give assurances against fear that stems from, among others, pre-constitutional oppression, mob rule and factional passions. Constitutional rights are also structured by emotions: Compassion and indignation serve as emotional grounds to accept and claim human rights. A simplified vision of modernity claims that law and constitutional design is all about rationality. Brain imaging studies indicate that moral emotions guide many moral judgments or are in competition with reasoning processes. Of course, moral emotions contribute to the shaping of law through moral judgments. To the extent law intends to shape behavior, it will rely on its legal folk psychology. A theory of constitutional sentiments shall reconstruct the assumptions on human nature as emotional nature that shape the constitution and its interpretation. Historically, constitutional path dependence presupposes emotional choices and emotional action tendencies that are institutionalized and 'imposed' on law and society. Paradigmatic changes in constitutional law cannot be explained without considering the path-breaking rule of emotions. For example, the commitment to abolish slavery cannot be explained without the emotional condemnation (based on disgust and resulting in indignation) of the institution. The ban on torture is also rooted in sentiments of disgust. Concepts of cruel and unusual punishment are rooted in emotions of disgust. Law is both trying to script emotions (in order to prevent challenges to the status quo) and accommodates prevailing (or preferred) emotions (hence the difficulty of a non-revenge based criminal policy).
This article offers a comparative assessment of how successfully Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania have coped with the challenges of renewed independence since 1991, focusing on various aspects of political, economic, and social development. In the post-communist context the Baltic states have clearly outpaced other former Soviet republics and also performed reasonably well in comparison to the countries of Eastern Europe. The convergence of the Baltic experience, which began already in the early 20th century, has continued in the recent past as well, as the three states have adopted a number of similar approaches in domestic politics, the search for security, and economic policy. They also face a number of similar unsolved problems, including considerable political alienation, tensions in relations with Russia, socioeconomic disparity, and demographic challenges. The most important difference in the issues confronting the Baltic states today continues to be the large non-Baltic, mainly Russian presence in Estonia and Latvia, a result of Soviet-era policies. How to effect the meaningful integration of a multiethnic society remains a continuing challenge in these two countries. In contrast, population shifts under Soviet rule never became massive in Lithuania, and ethnic relations are a minor issue there today.
Zsigmond Kemény, the Transylvanian-born author, in his 1850 pamphlet, After the Revolution, questioned the Romantic concept of national character, and characterized tradition as ambivalent: both a sine qua non of culture and a system of dated conventions. Kemény drew on Bentham's utilitarianism, considering the right to property to be the basis of society. Liberalism and nationalism were in conflict during the Revolution, and the fate of the Revolution showed that extremes may lead to failure.
1 Introduction 1 How is that nativist, authoritarian populisms have become so powerful worldwide? asked Bojan Bugaric, one of the leading scholars of populism, in the German Law Journal in 2019. To be attractive to citizens populist policy making is