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. Examples for the latter are inflectional datasets (see e.g. Beniamine et al. 2020 ) and derivational datasets (see e.g. Sánchez-Gutiérrez et al. 2018 ). PrevDistro (Preverb Distributions) 1 is intended to enrich the range of these resources by providing
The aim of this paper is to investigate the historical process whereby preverbs came into being in Hungarian: to shed light on the reason why certain adverbial elements, used autonomously at first, were subsequently degraded into items of a bound grammatical category. It will be seen that that path is anything but straight: various factors may be involved in adverbial modifiers turning into preverbs, diverse “access roads” may lead to the same main road (this is also part of the reason why a number of items in the present-day stock of Hungarian preverbs are related to several parts of speech, e.g., to adverbs and to postpositions, at the same time). The second part of the paper tries to answer the questions why the stock of preverbs is presented in a heterogeneous manner in certain grammars of Hungarian, what role subjective criteria play in classifications, and how reliable the criterion of productivity is as a general guiding principle.
Farkas, Donka F. Jerrold M. Sadock 1989. Preverb climbing in Hungarian. In: Language 65: 318–38. Sadock J. M. Preverb climbing in Hungarian Language
The paper sets out with an overview of preverbs and prefixes in the Uralic languages. It will be shown that most Uralic languages have separable preverbs and only a few have verbal prefixes. These verbal prefixes have been borrowed from Slavic. This means that preverbs never get morphologized in Uralic. We will informally call 'cohesion' the various positions of the preverb relative to the verb. The highest degree of cohesion is the case when the preverb is a genuine prefix; the next degree is represented by adverbial-like preverbs, which obligatorily occupy a preverbal position, and which form a kind of compound with the verb; a yet lower degree is shown by preverbs which can occupy both a preverbal and a postverbal position and some other elements can intervene between the preverb and the base verb; cohesion is greater if only clitical elements can occur between the preverb and the verb. The next stage is represented by the language in which in addition to clitics also some complements can occur in this position. Finally, cohesion is least strong in cases when practically any element can occur between the preverb and the verb. Cohesion should not be confounded with grammaticalization which plays an important role in the development of aspectual and aktionsart-meanings. In this case it can be shown for Hungarian that the development goes through the stages 'adverbial meaning ≯ adverbial meaning and aspectual meaning ≯ aspectual meaning ≯ aspectual meaning and aktionsart-meaning' for the old layer of preverbs and through the stages 'adverbial meaning ≯ adverbial meaning and aspectual meaning ≯ aspectual meaning and aktionsart-meaning' for more recent preverbs. In other words, preverbs may end up by having an aspectual and an aktionsart-meaning' but, as Hungarian shows, not all preverbs have reached this stage.
This paper focuses on predicate formation operations which affect the value and determination of lexical properties associated with Hungarian phrasal periphrastic predicates and, hence, on lexeme-formation (Aronoff 1994). Recent work, following the word and paradigm morphological models of Robins (1959), Matthews (1972), among others, has argued that periphrasis or multi-word expression is often best viewed as a type of morphological exponence, i.e., as the product of morphological rather than syntactic operations, contra many current theoretical proposals. In line with this morphological perspective, I argue that, as in inflection, periphrasis is a type of morphological exponence for lexeme-formation. In support of this claim I explore lexeme-formation for several sorts of phrasal predicates in Hungarian Ackerman (1987), Komlósy (1992), Kiefer-Ladányi (2000), among others), in particular causative formation, causal predicate formation, so-called reiterated activity formation expressed by reduplicated preverbs, and the interaction of these operations with category changing derivation. The general background for the analysis will be the Realization-based Lexicalist Hypothesis (Blevins 2001) and realizational approaches to morphology (Stump 2001) which are compatible with theories subscribing to representational modularity (Jackendoff (1997; 2002).
Das Ziel dieses Beitrags ist, funktional relevante morphosyntaktische Eigenschaften der ungarischen Infinitiv-Hilfsverb-Konstruktionen aufgrund korpusbasierter Untersuchungen aufzudecken, und diese als Gesichtspunkte zu einer Hilfsverbtypologie zu verwenden. Dazu wurden der ikonische Einschub von Hilfsverben zwischen Präfix und Infinitiv, die Frequenz der Verben sowie die Merkmalhaftigkeit/Merkmallosigkeit der Prädikatsnomina als Hauptkriterien untersucht. Aufgrund der Analyseergebnisse zeichnen sich zwei Typen von Infinitiv regierenden Hilfsverben ab, mit jeweils kontinuierlichen Übergängen ineinander und in andere Infinitiv regierende Konstruktionstypen.
seems usable for Hungarian and also for other low-density languages. Ágnes Kalivoda 's contribution entitled PrevDistro: An Open-access Dataset of Hungarian Preverb Constructions gives an overview of the productive predicate formation system of
Exploring the meaning and productivity of a polysemous prefix
The case of the Modern Greek prepositional prefix para-
University Press . 338 – 353 . Ralli, Angeliki . 2002 . Prefixation vs. compounding. The case of Greek preverbs . In A. M. D. Sciullo (ed.) Asymmetry in grammar: Phonology
Ackema, Peter. 2004. Do preverbs climb? In K. É. Kiss and H. van Riemsdijk (eds.) Verb clusters. A Study of Hungarian, German and Dutch. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins. 359
!=“itt|ott|alatt|miatt|között|mellett”] In NoSkE, filtering can be applied for a window. We used a 0..0 window in the above filtering step, as we wanted to apply it to the kwic itself. Another example is searching for Hungarian verb–preverbs constructions. Here we formulate our query to
