Authors:Manuel Alcaraz-Ibáñez, Álvaro Sicilia, Delia C. Dumitru, Adrian Paterna and Mark D. Griffiths
& Robins, 2004 , 2007 ) – has emerged in research aimed at understanding exercise behavior. This study aimed to expand this line of research by exploring the relationship between self-conscious emotions (SCEs) of shame, guilt, and pride emerging from a
with similar identities.
Recurrently, during the dosing session, I would encounter a tapir – an endangered animal native to the jungles of Southeast Asia and the forests of South
L. Pumpyansky noted the frequent use of “Imperial formula” or “formula stretch of Russia” in 18th-century Russian poetry (mainly in Lomonosov’s works). This poetic structure is built by using the prepositions from and to: from one boundary to the other (“From the White sea to the Black sea”). The size of the Russian territory has always been a source of pride for Russian national consciousness, satisfying national geopolitical ambitions and, apparently, thus the “Imperial formula” has often been used in Russian poetry for over three centuries.
Summary A working cultural assumption that makes any dialogue with the past possible is: features recalled with pride are apt to be safeguarded against erosion and vandalism; those that reflect shame may be ignored or expunged from the landscape. Unlike in the West where history seems to be more or less processed on the basis of working through the problematic, in Croatia - a representative of so-called countries in transition, strange and liminal monuments are being erected in order to signify collective cultural identity and bear witness of times past. There are two examples of crossing the lines between the division pride/shame: two monuments: one to Jure Francetih, and the other to Mile Budak - both convicted criminals of war. This paper argues some of the following topics: what is the point of resurrecting the past in such vein? Why does Croatia have the need to celebrate its dark side of history? Why are the butchers, the representatives of shame and crimes against humanity remembered with pride; at least among some Croatians, still powerful enough to erect a monument and place it in public? Is there something peculiar in Croatian history, or in histories of some Central European countries, that belongs to no other history(ies) and calls for bridging the gap between pride and shame? Is the Croatian collective past in fact past at all? Where is Croatia's place on the map of Europe with such signs of its present times? Using the American geographer Kenneth Foote's ideas and types of remembering (sanctification, obliteration, designation, rectification), the paper explores modes of representing the past and contextualizes them in a broader framework of establishing a productive communication with the present. Using the already mentioned examples and enriching them with a positive one - the example of The Holocaust Museum in Jasenovac, I first asses the current situation in Croatian cultural dialogue with the past (including both ethical and human poles of the binary) and then propose possible venues useful for establishing a constructive cultural dialogue within the newly emerged space of the European Union.
Paulus Cortesius (Paolo Cortesi) delineated the first time history of the contemporary Latin poetry in Italy. The title of his work is De hominibus doctis dialogus (1490–1491). The literary model is precisely the Brutus by Cicero. The interlocutors are the professor of Roman University, Antonio Augusto Baldo, successor of the famous Pomponio Leto and two young students, Paolo (that is Cortesius as a young man) and Alessandro Farnese (later the pope Paul III). This later one, offended in his national pride, is scandalized because the poet valued the best of his age is an alien, a Hungarian, that is “barbarus transmontanus”. The author of the dialogue in the role of master Antonio magisterially annihilates the attack of his aristocratically-minded student and glorifies the greatness of Janus, this “alien”.
Livy was born in Padua, among the Venetes, in a part of Italy which received Roman citizenship only in 49 BC and he was very proud of the origins of his little hometown — that could take pride in being, like Rome, a Trojan foundation. Indeed, before telling Aeneas’ arrival on the shore of Latium, he begins his Roman history telling the story of Antenor, the Trojan hero who founded Padova. Later, he insists on the victory of his fellow-citizens in 302 BC over the Spartan Cleonymos, one of the Greek generals who were appointed by the Tarentines to protect them from their enemies — a victory which appears to be a kind of anticipation of that of Rome against Pyrrhus. But Livy was well conscious that, in present times, the leading center in Italy and elsewhere was only Rome: the last time we hear of his native town in the extant books of his work is 174 BC, when the Romans had to restore order and peace in the Venetian town — an event which was considered so important in local memory that it was considered as the beginnig of a new era. The deep attachment of a provincial Roman like Livy to his little hometown did not prevent from feeling himself a member of the larger Roman comunity and resenting a strong attachment to Rome, head of the whole oikoumene and common patria of all Italians. He gives us a good example of the construction of a Roman Italy under Augustus.
A humanista J. G. Macer Szepsius (1530–1579 után) a felső-magyarországi Szepsiben
született (ma Szlovákia, Moldava nad Bodvou). Krakkóban élt, latin alkalmi
verseket írt. De vera gloria libellus (Könyvecske az igaz
dicsőségről) című, 1562-ben kiadott művében az egyes foglalkozásokról ír,
megróva művelőiket hibáikért. Az orvos, Macer Szepsius jellemzésében,
garrulus (fecsegő), mendicus (kunyeráló),
haspók, csaló. Nem olvas semmit, éjjel-nappal alszik, nem a tudás, hanem
tudatlanság, nagyképűség és gőg jellemző rá. Olyan gyógyszereket ír föl, amelyek
hatását nem ismeri. Macer Szepsius kritikája megdöbbentő, hiszen valószínűleg
maga is szoros kapcsolatban állt a medicinával. Orv. Hetil., 2016,
In the aftermath of the Lehman Brothers collapse, Germany’s insistence that each country was to defend its banking system on its own rather than by the European Union acting jointly, is what triggered the euro crisis. This made it inevitable that the weakest countries with the least healthy public finances would sooner or later come under attack. It is argued that the root of the crisis is not excessive sovereign debt but the deficient construction of the euro and, more specifically, the absence of a common treasury. The main lessons of the crisis are briefly presented, and a less evident lesson, at least for economists, is discussed at length. This is that national pride and prejudice can influence the unfolding of events in uncertain and dangerous ways that do not make rational sense. In the concluding sections, the present state of the crisis and the future prospects for Europe are examined and, finally, Greece’s future is assessed in the light of this analysis.
This paper provides an overview of the Asoke People, the nature of their practices of
, and a detailed analysis with a case of the Sisa Asoke Community in Srisaket Province, Northeastern Thailand. It argues that in recent times as modern Thai society has become increasingly differentiated, the Asoke People have started to develop the community culture on the basis of an innovative interpretation of Dhamma. Attention is focused in particular on the practices of Precept or “
”, which led to the emergence of a new religious movement aiming at a reformation of traditional religious values. The Asoke group has established the “anti-mainstream communities”, here mean to reject the materialistic consumerism of Thai society generally and is thus a critique of modernity, all over the country. “Be diligent, take initiative, dare to be poor, and endure sarcasm” is a motto, which reveals the Puritan pride and reformist objectives of the Asoke and its communities. Importantly, this new Buddhist social movement also engenders a challenge to alternative development paradigm. The Asoke group like NGOs seeks an alternative paradigm for development by focusing on self-reliance, in contradiction to the capitalist or industrialised path. However, unlike other self-reliance movements, the Asoke group’s entry point is religion rather than economics. This, the author suggests, is helping to reshape and redefine conventional religious practices of
. In this regard, giving (or
) is an important means of everyday practice of accumulating merit
in order to attain
at the end. This is the most crucial nostalgia of Thai Buddhists.