The role of Pannonian soldiers in the guards is traceable from the 2nd century while their number and significance had grown considerably both in the units of praetoriani and equites singulares from the rule of Septimius Severus. Inscriptional sources mention that from time to time their families, wives and kin moved to Rome with the guardsmen. On their gravestone reliefs, one can find themes both from their homelands, traditions and from new Roman erudition. The decades spent serving the Emperor in Rome could mean social advancement, gaining fortune and recognition while the best ones could become military officers. After retiring from service, they could play an important role in the life of the province and in the Romanization of Pannonia as well.
Possible Functions of Medieval Holy Sepulchres. In Western Christianity, the tomb of Christ and the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem not only served as an influential architectural precedent throughout the Middle Ages, but also became a defining element of the Good Friday and Easter liturgies. Liturgical sources inform us that in some parts of the Latin Church, beginning in the second half of the tenth century, it was customary on Good Friday to place the Cross and/or the consecrated Host from Holy Thursday into the sepulchrum, the symbolic tomb of Christ. The Crucifix and the Sacrament would be removed from the sepulchre at dawn on Easter Sunday, and the empty tomb became the semantic centre of the Easter ceremony, as evidence of the Resurrection. Sculptural representations of the Holy Sepulchre from as early as the thirteenth century have survived, and it is possible to deduce that they were used to fulfil the function of the sepulchrum during the ceremonies of Holy Week. Liturgical texts do not usually make reference to figural Holy Sepulchres, so they cannot be used as direct sources for this purpose, although they do help us to understand liturgical sepulchres and to determine the role they performed in the liturgical space. The sepulchre was, on the one hand, a tool used in liturgical practice, and the ceremony itself defined the object, its status and its interpretation. A deeper examination of the activities carried out during the Triduum Sacrum, meanwhile, may enable us to determine the active role of the Holy Sepulchre, as an image, as part of the ceremony and for the duration of the ceremony. The use of sepulchres was not limited to liturgical or ritual practice, for certain examples remained visible at other times of the year, and may have provided an opportunity for the images to be used for individual devotion. The unrelated written and material sources may, in the final analysis, lend us the chance to identify the conceptual functions of the liturgical-ritual Holy Sepulchre and the Holy Sepulchre as an image.
The aim of this study, based on an in-depth study of coeval references, is the analysis of the crossing of the Crusade legions, in 1096, through the Hungarian Reign to the borders of the Byzantine Empire. The Hungarian Reign, when the crossing studied occurred, was governed by Coloman I, who had recently gained power a few months before. Taking into account the following events of the Crusade, we focus on the Lorraine Legion, headed by the duke of Lower Lorraine, Godefroy de Bouillon and the diplomatic relations that developed between the French-Flemish noble élite and the Hungarian Court. The “Call” for the Crusade by Pope Urban II at Clermont in 1095, created great enthusiasm all over Christian Europe. This caused not only unorganized masses to react positively, but also many feudal armies to move towards Palestine. The scope of the Crusade movement, besides supporting Byzantium against the Turks, was mainly the setting-free of the Holy Sepulchre of Christ and of the Holy City of Jerusalem, under Islamic domination from the 7th century. Among the many possible paths to travel, many Crusaders made use of the overland path, across the Balkans. This path, which used the Route of the Roman Danubian Limes, had been abandoned centuries before due to the many invasions which had occurred on the peninsula between the end of the 4th century and the 10th century. The entrance in the orbit of Christianity of the Reign of Hungary and the conquest of the Bulgarian Reign achieved by Emperor Basilius II at the beginning of the 11th century had reopened the doors of this important route to Western Countries.
The sculpture, which the extant invoice claims to have originated from the Sant' Agostino church of Cremona, was bought by the museum from Achille Glisenti, a painter and art dealer, in 1895 (figs 1–2). The frontal pose and the compactness of the white marble sculpture of exquisite quality in composition and execution (h.: 52 cm, w.: 21 cm, d.: 16 cm), as well as the finish of the sides and the back clearly reveal that it was designed for some niche. The representation of the enthroned Christ Pantocrator was prevalent in Venetian sepulchral sculpture in Italy in the 14th century, mainly in the 1340s–60s. The Budapest sculpture is most closely analogous with specimens of this strain by virtue of the iconography and style. Just like the analogies, it was probably set in the middle of the longitudinal side of the sarcophagus recessed in the shape of an ornate throne. Although no Christ figure carved separately of the side of a sarcophagus is known, there are at least two specimens of the enthroned Madonna figures far more frequently featuring in Venetian sarcophagi in the same place (figs 3–4). These two Virgin figures were carved for an exceptionally representative type of sepulchral monuments “with acroteria”, which is attributable to one of the most notable local master of the period, Andriolo de Santi.
The closest analogy to the Budapest sculpture can also be found in this circle. Christ Pantocrator adorning the main portal of the San Lorenzo church in Vicenza made by Andriolo's workshop in 1342–44 is almost like a copy of the Budapest work (figs 5–6). It is however hard to decide whether it was made by the same hand or it is a copy. There is yet another carving – that of the enthroned Madonna in the tympan of the portal – that resembles even more closely the Budapest statue in terms of quality, overall form and certain details (fig. 8). Though there are hardly any clues as to the authorship of individual parts of the portal, it is not far-fetched to presume – in agreement with many researchers – that the tympan figures were in all likelihood carved by Andriolo. In this way it is possible to attribute the Budapest sculpture to him, too, and it may as well be presumed that it was made for an above-mentioned representative sarcophagus. Furthermore, the quality even permits the assumption that it might be the prototype for the Venetian Pantocrator series of the 1340s–60s.
All this confirms that the Christ statue and the respective tomb must have been made for a distinguished person. There is however no data in connection with the Sant' Agostino church of Cremona or the related sources that might be linked to this sepulchral monument in any way, therefore the identification of the person is not possible. The client must have been a Cremonese with close contacts to Venice, which may be why he imported the sepulchre to the Lombardian city. The phenomenon fits in well with the overall situation of sculpture in Cremona in the 14th century: there was probably no noteworthy stonecarving workshop in the city, at least all the surviving works are by masters active elsewhere.
silver hat pin, Byzantine ʻbasket earrings’ (6 th –7 th century) and two rings: the first ring is made of silver and has an architectural structure, alluding to the Holy Sepulchre and associated symbols, which continued to be produced throughout the