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A társadalmi egyenlőtlenségek testi és pszichikai egészségre gyakorolt hatását számos kutatás igazolta a modern társadalmakban. Ez a hatás azonban az életciklus folyamán nem mutatkozik egyenlő mértékben; gyermek- és felnőttkorban jelentős az összefüggés a társadalmi helyzet és az egészségi állapot között, a serdülők és idősek körében viszont kevésbé nyilvánvaló és koherens a kapcsolat. Míg serdülőkorban, ahol az egészségi állapot szintjén ritkán igazolhatók társadalmi egyenlőtlenségek, a pszichikai állapotban, akár az objektív, de főként a szubjektív társadalmihelyzet-indikátorok hatása egyértelműen kimutatható, mint például a pszichoszomatikus tünetek, az egészség önértékelése vagy a depresszió. Jelen tanulmány célja ezért a középiskolások pszichikai egészségének felmérése a szüleik által meghatározott társadalmi státusz tükrében. Kérdőíves adatfelvételünkre 2008 tavaszán került sor Szegeden, középiskolás diákok körében (N=881). A társadalmi helyzetet a következő mutatókkal mértük: szülők iskolai végzettsége és alkalmazási minősége, valamint a társadalmi helyzet önbesorolása; a függő változók között az egészség önértékelése, a depresszió, az élettel való elégedettség és az optimizmus szerepelt. Eredményeink szerint mind az objektív, mind pedig a szubjektív társadalmihelyzet-mutatók összefüggnek a középiskolások pszichikai állapotával. A szubjektív mutatók szerepe erőteljesebb és grádiensszerű; az objektív mutatók közül a szülők iskolai végzettsége és a végzettséggel összefüggő szellemi foglalkozása, illetve vállalkozói státusza gyermekeik jobb pszichikai állapotával jár együtt; az apa munkanélkülisége viszont a serdülők élettel való elégedettségét rontja.
In this paper I argue that the early moral philosophy of Ákos Pauler was informed by eugenic and racial hygienic theories of his age. Perhaps one of the key social theorists of his time was the British philosopher Herbert Spencer who arguably had an influence on the moral theories of Pauler as well. Pauler became an influential theoretician in Hungary during the interwar period. His ideological commitments to Christinity and national values made him favorable to the authoritarian politics of the 1920s and 30s. His significance lasted until the end of the 1940s; during the Socialist period from 1948 to 1989 Pauler’s heritage was played down because of the idological divide between the two political eras. However, after the transition, the works of Pauler were re-discovered and my study contributes to this strand of research from an intersectional perspective. In this paper I will analyze how conceptulizations of race and gender structured their moral theories in which the responsibility of women was understood in terms of their reproductive contribution to their country’s racial future. I claim that Pauler’s early moral philosophy rests on racially informed principles that justify gender subordination.
In 1933, Hungary passed landmark legislation that allowed the establishment of minority self-governments for all recognized minority groups within Hungary. Written to protect minority culture and provide a forum for minority interests, this legislation has arguably had the most profound implications for the Roma/Gypsy minority in Hungary. The Roma, comprising approximately 5 per cent of the total population, from not only the largest minority group, but also have historically remained the most politically and socio-economically marginalized. Can this new institution enhance the possibility that the Roma may freely preserve their cultural heritage and traditions while becoming full members of Hungarian society, with equal dignity and social opportunity? We use data from a nation-wide survey of Roma leaders, as well as interviews and ethnographic information from local case studies to determine the activities of Roma local minority self-governments, and how these activities affect Roma communities and local inter-ethnic relations. We find that while the system was created to protect and preserve minority cultural autonomy, Roma self-governments are instead predominantly acting as local social lobbies, motivated by their community's pressing social needs currently unmet by the local and state authorities. This leads to the conflation of the ethnic and social dimensions of local problems, strengthening social exclusion and reinforcing the perception that Roma impoverishment is a 'natural' condition.
as well ( EUROSTAT, 2018 ) However, educational attainment and achievement still reflect social inequalities: Pupils and students with less advantaged socio-economic backgrounds (non-academic background or working-class) are still significantly
higher for taxpayers with lower taxable incomes. Under these conditions, the effective distribution of MID fulfils the essence of vertical equity and reduces the level of social inequality. By this definition, the assessment of MID distribution resulting
studied from a variety of aspects. One major topic has been the role that supplementary education plays in not only reproducing but also increasing social inequality creating winners and losers not based on merit but on family background. The other major
Almost eighty years have passed since the book Social and Cultural Mobility by Pitirim Sorokin was published in 1927. It gave in many respects a new direction to scientific thinking about social structure. The central thesis of the work was that a society is primarily characterised not by the extent of social inequality or by the distribution of social positions, but by a measure of how open it is, what the chances for different people are of filling any position regardless of their origin. Although people around the world continued to initiate political movements, fight revolutions and even kill under the banner of equality for a further fifty years, a new paradigm was then born: the idea of equality that curtailed performance and effectively made progress impossible was replaced by the notion of equality of opportunity.
The structure of state socialism was stifled by totalitarian power yet inequalities persisted. The stratification by the 'character of the work done', a combination of power/authority, knowledge, working conditions etc. was veiled by the official ideology about the near-equality of two 'classes' and about the abolition of poverty. Social inequalities were studied in the 1960s and 1980s in these terms, showing a structure that was shifting upwards in two decades, where social distances decreased in some respects, but where the reproduction of inequalities already started, and the lack of freedom was increasingly keenly felt. The structure of new capitalism seems to b based on capital ownership and the position on the labor market, though the old professional categories still have some validity. The new structure produces much larger inequalities and new forms of poverty. The threat of lasting poverty and exclusion looms large.
Abstract
In science, a relatively small pool of researchers garners a disproportionally large number of citations. Still, very little is known about the social characteristics of highly cited scientists. This is unfortunate as these researchers wield a disproportional impact on their fields, and the study of highly cited scientists can enhance our understanding of the conditions which foster highly cited work, the systematic social inequalities which exist in science, and scientific careers more generally. This study provides information on this understudied subject by examining the social characteristics and opinions of the 0.1% most cited environmental scientists and ecologists. Overall, the social characteristics of these researchers tend to reflect broader patterns of inequality in the global scientific community. However, while the social characteristics of these researchers mirror those of other scientific elites in important ways, they differ in others, revealing findings which are both novel and surprising, perhaps indicating multiple pathways to becoming highly cited.
This paper investigates how the families' cultural milieu (the inherited cultural capital) has influenced the status attainment process in the Hungarian society in the past decades. Two alternative hypotheses are tested. On the one hand cultural reproduction theory (based on P. Bourdieu's hypothesis) suggests that cultural factors play a significant role in the reproduction of the social inequalities. On the other hand, however Paul DiMaggio and others assume that cultural capital is more a means of social mobility and can play a compensatory role, helping lower status children achieve above their parents. So far in Hungary the former function of cultural capital has been believed to be dominant. Our analyses show, however, that cultural reproduction and cultural mobility have both been present in this society. In fact, we find that until the 1960s children with the least educated parents could benefit the most from the family's cultural investments. Since then the tow processes have been of similar importance. Cultural assets have both helped the upper classes to maintain their existing positions but they have also provided a possible source for those occupying lower positions in the social hierarchy to support thir children getting forward.
