A tanulmány az 1950 és 1956 közötti időszak magyar ipari építészetének és a szocialista realizmus elveinek sajátos kölcsönhatásával foglalkozik: a korszak építészetelméleti és formálásbeli tendenciáit e speciális építészeti műfaj aspektusából kíséri végig. Egyfelől rámutat arra, hogy a Rákosi-korszak hivatalosan diktált építészeti ideológiája az ipari épületek tervezését a szigorú gyártástechnológiai követelmények és a rendkívül összetett épületszerkezeti megoldások következtében sokkal kevésbé tudta meghatározni, mint a lakó- és középülettervezést, s ekképp az ipari építészet a szakmai ellenállás szinte legendássá váló bázisa lett. Másfelől azt is kiemeli, hogy mindemellett a szocialista realizmus stiláris előírásaihoz való igazodást vagy legalábbis a szocialista világrendet kifejező „ipari formálásmód” megteremtését az idő előrehaladtával egyre inkább elvárták a szakmapolitika képviselői – bár a szocialista realizmus „ipari” változatának kialakításához a tervezők a gyakorlatra csak nehezen lefordítható elméleti hátteret kaptak. Mindezek hatására az ipari építészet egyes köreiben olyan formálásbeli stratégiák bontakoztak ki, melyeket ugyan a szocialista realizmus „légköre” hívott létre, de amelyek többnyire nem a kész sémák szorgalmas követésében merültek ki, hanem a szuverén szakmai elvekből még többé-kevésbé levezethető reakcióként tűntek fel – a szovjet minták, illetve a hazai építészeti ideológia pontos követésére csak ritkán került sor. Az elemzés e tendenciák vizsgálatát követően azt kísérli meg feltárni, hogy az ipari építészetnek milyen szerepe volt a politikai enyhüléssel párhuzamosan bekövetkező ideológiai váltásban.
‘Middle music’ and the ‘middle music theory’ of the German Democratic Republic have received little interest, although their products survive until today. Kurt Schwaen is known for his compositions for folk instruments and for his famous children’s songs such as “Wenn Mutti früh zur Arbeit geht” [When mom goes to work early in the morning]. Schwaen was an author of music for the folk, namely for amateur singers, mostly children, or lay instrumentalists, who played in mandolin or accordion orchestras. Schwaen’s compositions may be considered as a variant of socialistic realism in music. They form a modern folk music by both respecting neomodal writing, derived from the 1920s, as well as by including international folk material and promising an authentic and unsuspicious tune which German folk music lacked since the Third Reich.
After 1956, thanks to the political thaw a modernization of the Hungarian canon of socialist realism took place. However, the modern and nationally oriented view of socialist culture was confronted with an ideologically motivated fear of nationalism and bourgeois revisionism, which also fueled official hostility towards the forces of popular naturalism and ‘decadent’ surrealism. Consequently, in the early 1960s a significant part of Hungarian art criticism was still dominated by the dated political aesthetics of Zhdanov that fiercely offended new realist tendencies, like the work of Tibor Csernus and his followers. One of their critics labeled the new realism of Csernus ‘surnaturalism,’ others supported their painting under the umbrella terminology of ‘magical realism.’ The paper investigates the different aesthetic ideologies and interpretations concerning such artists as László Lakner, László Gyémánt, György Korga, Gyula Konkoly, and Csernus himself. Beside the analysis of their avant-garde, ‘formalist’ sources, the paper also attempts to shed light on their realism, based on the classical figurative tradition of painting from Piero della Francesca to Edouard Manet. Beyond the more or less ironic use of the cold war imagery, this ‘traditionalism’ could even legitimate their ‘decadent’ formalism. However, their secret classic and modern references and their unique illusionism or a kind of magical socialist realism have never got the official stamp of approval.
The imposition of socialist realism caused great loss of prestige and intellectual confusion in Hungarian architecture. After 1956, in the first years of the Kádár era it was preoccupied by a sort of “self-rehabilitation” and by the related aim of reviving Hungarian modernism. In this period of search the new architectural phenomena in industrial investments attracting the attention of designers and architecture theoreticians active in other areas of architecture assumed special significance.
Under the industrializing programs central to the party propaganda, there was clear-cut political intention for a long time to build materially and technically good-quality, well-designed, monumental industrial building complexes. Architectural creativity received a great boost from the efforts to create structural systems in view of the western engineering innovations and tendencies of form, adapted flexibly to the specificities of the industrializing program launched in the late 1950s, to the new technological systems and the transforming conditions of the building industry and economy.
It is not accidental therefore that a certain nimbus evolved soon around the central institution of the field, the Industrial Building Design Company (IPARTERV): the company gradually became a special creative workshop, and industrial architectural planning became a booming branch of the economy. The reception of the IPARTERV activity in the early Kádár era was dominated by the emergence of this nimbus. The aim of the paper is to explore the decisive architectural and engineering approaches, personal and collective planning roles, architectural theoretical tendencies and political factors that shaped the specific role of this company.
The subject of this article is the representative Polish interiors of the period of Socialist Realism. Although they were supposed to follow the doctrine, they represented various forms, conventions, motives, and patterns far from these imposed. They make us revise the views on the monolithic and colonial nature of the Socialist Realism in Eastern Europe. In this article, I would like to discuss the diversity of the Polish interiors created in the period of Socialist Realism. The analysis will indicate that even in the most “socialist realist” creations we are dealing with the “socialist realist” elements only. Moreover, these single forms or items seldom became “doctrinal”: it was difficult to define what the “socialist realist” design should look like. Socialist Realism in the interior design is, therefore, highly hybrid in many layers.
After the signing of the Paris Peace Treaty in September 1947, Pula, a town in the south of the Istrian peninsula in Croatia, became a part of the People’s Republic of Croatia and Yugoslavia. The period after the takeover of the city by the Communist authorities until the mid-1950s was marked by intense emigration, mostly of the Italian population, and also by re-industrialization and urbanization. At the same time, the process of forming art and culture according to the new ideological demands began. The instrumentalization of cultural life by ideology in the period between 1947 and 1955 left a significant trace on Pula’s musical life. One of the main tasks of the authorities in the field of music culture was to promote musical education and popularize musical art, which was to be made available to a wider audience, especially labourers. The choice of music genres was narrowed significantly in order to ensure a close connection between the artist, his work, and the people. In the formative period of socialism in Pula, a music school opened, numerous cultural and artistic societies were established, operas were regularly performed at the theater and the Arena, and the city even had an operetta ensemble.
Yugoslav composer Rudolf Bruči is known on the international scene primarily as the author of Sinfonia Lesta, a composition winning the first prize in 1965 at the Queen Elizabeth Competition in Belgium. On a national level, Bruči was a powerful social entity, not only in respect of his creative freedom. As a member of the League of Communists, Bruči spent a lifetime as an official in social organizations and cultural institutions, thus dictating the rhythm of musical life of Novi Sad and the Province of Vojvodina, until the collapse of Socialism when he was suddenly forgotten. The developmental line of Bruči’s oeuvre – leading from Zhdanovian national classicism, through the adoption of elements of the European avant-garde, to the reaffirmation of a national/regional idiom in the mid-1970s – largely corresponds to the general tendencies of postwar art music in the socialist countries of Eastern and South-Eastern Europe. Bruči broke with the European avant-garde models not only in his creative practice, but he also reasoned it in the articles “The Composers’ Role in the Modern Development of Self-governing Socialist Society,” “Statements of Yugoslav Music Forum Composers’ Workgroup,” and “Manifesto of the ‘Third Avant- Garde’,” where he based his discourse on conformism, lack of communication and dehumanization of avant-garde, and in particular on Yugoslav ideological projects, such as self-management, non-alignment, and deprovincialization. The article analyzes the context in which Bruči’s creative transformation during the 1970s was expressed as the criticism of the Eurocentric cultural model, as well as the suspicion towards the imperative of modernization in a world obsessed with technological advances.
In an atheist society, such as the communist one, all forms of the sacred were anathematized and fiercly sanctioned. Nevertheless, despite these ideological barriers, important articles and volumes of Byzantine — and sometimes Gregorian — musicological research were published in totalitarian Romania. Numerous Romanian scholars participated at international congresses and symposia, thus benefiting of scholarships and research stages not only in the socialist states, but also in places regarded as ‘affected by viruses,’ such as the USA or the libraries on Mount Athos (Greece). This article discusses the mechanisms through which the research on religious music in Romania managed to avoid ideological censorship, the forms of camouflage and dissimulation of musicological information with religious subject that managed to integrate and even impose over the aesthetic visions of the Party. The article also refers to cultural politics enthusiastically supporting research and valuing the heritage of ancient music as a fundamental source for composers and their creations dedicated to the masses.
While the new art of a new generation was emphatically present from the mid-Sixties, today thanks to the canonisation of the Iparterv exhibitions, the year of 1968 appears as the primary turning point in Hungarian art. The change was signified by the concentrated and programmatic appearance of the ‘new strivings’ of the avant-garde that publically went against the officially accepted guiding principles and artistic thinking in relatively greater numbers. The border between the official art of the time, and the overstepping of that border by unofficial art, appeared as an important problem.
The state (party) principles and preferences of power that were applied in the area of art were most systematically communicated to the professional audience and a broader public through the art journal Művészet. Based on the examination of the published articles and images in the issues of Művészet from 1968, the study highlights the frame provided by official art theory. It makes the ideological boundary lines visible, so that the criteria of preferences appear more systematically, and from this it is possible to convey the way in which the official system related to artists who partly defined themselves outside of these frames.
From the beginning of the Sixties through the changing viewpoint of the journal it was possible to observe both the gradual deflation of a socialist realist tendency that asserted its dominance and was strongly anti-abstraction, as well as fluctuations: short episodes of ideological loosening were often followed by stricter, more hard-line periods. In the contemporary criticism and exhibition accounts of Művészet the officially specified values, above all the intelligibility of art had to be defended. Művészet saw a guarantee of this, amongst other factors, in the maintenance of the characteristics of Hungarian painting as intelligible to everyone and the continued focus on socialist themes. In the second place, the audience had to be protected since ‘without an audience there is no viable cultural revolution.’ In the third place, ethical commitment had to be defended: ‘humanity’ believes in socialism, and therefore socialist artists have to be prepared to cater to the spiritual nourishment of the masses.
Characteristic of 1968 was the adoptive strategy, which attempted to bring the young artists closer to the categories of the system. In this category sensitivity towards social problems, the illumination of the problems of the present, or an affinity for humanism was enough for a young artist to go from being a representative of progressive art to being tolerated or even temporarily supported. Over the course of 1968 numerous young artists appeared in Művészet who at the December Iparterv exhibition turned directly against the ideals of official art. In 1968 from the official side, the broadening of the picture seemed possible by situating the young in the field between decadence and progress.
If perceived from a thematic perspective, Contemporary Chinese fiction harbors a variety of political dimensions. To subvert
the conventions of socialist realism, many works in the 1980s joined to affirm the Party’s reform policies, but writers today
seem to be keen on the status quo resulting from the economic reform. The fiction of the new century has fully recovered from
the sentimental retrospection and naïve, simplistic socialist realism in the decades following the end of the Cultural Revolution.
The main characteristic of Chinese fiction in the twenty-first century is its sheer diversity featured by various thematic
concerns. Examples of novels can be identified that address issues of globalization, hi-tech, urbanization, marketing economy,
internet and poverty and their impact upon the lowly common Chinese such as the disadvantaged rural farmers. This turn to
reality gives rise to a burgeoning ecological awareness in Chinese literature. Writers in the new century have diverged from
the conventional way to sing along with or speak for the dominant ideology of the economic reform as many did during Deng
Xiaoping’s time. They have shifted their attention to the shaded side of contemporary China, writing about the marginalized
and reflecting on the social issues that accompany the existing social order. Efforts have been made to explore specific national
and regional identities, displaying a reengagement with a realist tradition. It is argued that more and more Chinese, having
felt distressed by increasing evidence of environmental deterioration, are now becoming conscious of environmental issues
and speaking out about their concerns. This paper then attempts to examine how contemporary Chinese writers contemplate the
consequences of China’s explosive capitalist growth and environmental issues in order to fashion their greening dimensions.