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A comparison between (strongly) distributive sentences in two typologically different languages, i.e. Romanian and Chinese is proposed. It is argued that the same factors, namely the inherent properties of the quantifiers more than the c-command relations obtaining between them constrain the possible interpretations of distributive sentences. The importance of the two factors is relatively different: in Romanian, the semantic factor cannot be superseded by the configurational one, whereas in Chinese c-command is at least equally important, thus partially confirming the isomorphism thesis.

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generally, the contention that nominals lacking a D-layer do not trigger object agreement entails that numerals, indefinite pronouns, relative pronouns, weak quantifiers, the strong quantifier minden “every”, demonstratives and proper names referring to

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