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The unstable genre of Rousseau’s Reverie set in motion a movement between biography and narration, testimony and poetic fiction in the wake of Montaigne. In his Reverie , Rousseau builds up a space where he is composed by refraction and displacement. The autobiographical process of writing is a kind of dialectical process between the subject writing about himself and the grammatical person that pertains to language.

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This paper challenges the traditional view that Athenian witnesses functioned as supporters of litigant rather than impartial observers of events, and that evidence on such matters as family disputes is irrelevant to the legal issues in an inheritance dispute. Isaios wrote this speech for a client who claims the estate of Astyphilos, his half-brother by the same mother. His opponent, Kleon, a first cousin of Astyphilos on his father’s side, says that his son was adopted in Astyphilos’s will. To win the case, Isaios must prove both that the will is invalid and that his client is entitled to the estate as next of kin. He deploys 13 items of witness testimony, more than in any of his other surviving speeches. Witnesses testify not only that the will is a forgery, but also that Astyphilos never spoke to Kleon after a quarrel between their fathers, whereas Astyphilos and the speaker enjoyed a close fraternal relationship. On the traditional view, Isaios is asserting a moral claim to the estate, knowing that his legal case is weak. I argue that evidence of relationships within the family is relevant to the validity of the will, as part of the argument from probability that Astyphilos was unlikely to have adopted his enemy’s son. Some important aspects of the speaker’s story are, nevertheless, unsupported by testimony, and I conclude that Isaios was probably trying to disguise his client’s vulnerability on the issue of kinship by making the most of his evidence against the will.

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The paper examines a fragment of Xenocrates on definition preserved by Alfarabi. Proving that the exposition of Plato’s and Aristotle’s definitions in the same fragment reflect the views of the philosophers referred to in late antique wording the author accepts Alfarabi’s report as reliable and authentic. Further comparison of Alfarabi’s passage with late antique logical views results in the statement that Xenocrates’ definition was connected with the emerging doctrine of relational syllogisms. Alfarabi's fragment exposition of Xenocrates’ hitherto unknown teaching is, consequently, exposed as part of the late antique philosophical tradition.

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Abstract  

Rousseau is generally associated with the eighteenth century French philosophes in what Peter Gay called “The Party of Humanity.”While it is true that Rousseau shared many of the progressive political and philosophical ideas of that group of enlightened figures, he parted company with them on basic issues of theology and religion. This is apparent in the reading of Rousseau's published works - where his religious instincts especially, separate him from the radical wing of the French Enlightenment. There is an enormous distance between his “Profession du vicaire savoyard”and Diderot's Penses philosophiques. It is in his great correspondence, however, that one may see just how Rousseau differed from his colleagues in the struggle against religious and political obscurantism. In his letters he discourses brilliantly on basic metaphysical questions and proposes intuition over reason as a more serious intellectual modality. Beyond even those philosophes such as Voltaire, who embraced a kind of vapid deism, Rousseau uses his correspondence to endorse a mystical conception of the universe in which emotion, imagination and feeling are inextricably bound up. In his survey of contemporary philosophical ideas Rousseau expresses as much scorn for intolerant religious dogma as he does for the extreme expressions of atheism. There are many letters in which he argues against the materialist interpretation of matter and demands of the atheist school convincing intellectual proofs for their theses. In the correspondence Rousseau has a great deal to say about his own conception of God, immortality and the soul. His eschatology is, of course, different from the conventional Christian one; he cannot or will not accept the idea of eternal damnation. In his discussion of religion in the letters Rousseau ranges far and wide; he considers, interalia, extra terrestrial life, the idea of free will, the purpose of rapture and theodicy. In this last arena, where a just God is seen to permit evil in the world, Rousseau waxes eloquent in trying to solve this age-old theological quandary. He does so by exploring definitions of the word evil and emphasizing the orderly nature of the universe. In this context, Rousseau, a master of the religious dialectic, reduces the problem of evil and death through an astute linguistic approach. Rousseau's final plea, as extracted from his correspondence, is that human beings must recognize the limits of reason as an instrument capable of solving all the metaphysical problems.

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All of Sándor Veress's writings on Zoltán Kodály - be they articles, talks or studies in Hungarian intended for literary forums and radio transmissions beyond Hungary's borders, or foreign-language publications for the European press - had a similar function. Veress's writings in his mother tongue and foreign languages number some twenty to twenty-five items of different genres within four decades, only counting the publications mentioning Kodály's name in their titles. Most of them were prompted by anniversaries but the evaluation of Kodály's compositions, work analyses, introductory words to concerts, obituaries and lectures also provided him opportunities to establish his image of Kodály. The study contains a complete list of the documents.

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Conclusion  

In his correspondence Rousseau’s unfolding of character shows him to be a brilliant polemicist when pushed against the wall by religious fanaticism. That brilliance manifests itself in the sharpness of his argument, the clarity of his images and the combative vocabulary which he can summon effortlessly. On the religious issue his letters are full of sarcasm, indignation and regret. This is the outcome of his encounter with theodium theologicum, that non-filterable virus which forced him to uproot himself frequently and traverse the map of Europe seeing respite and asylum. The letters contain relatively little on the substantive issues raised in theological discourse; they reflect Rousseau’s response to the unfortunate result of that discourse as they were concretized in his own life through persecution and ostracism. It is not surprising, therefore that the letters are a kind of sermon in which Rousseau calls for an ecumenical approach to religion in which, as he put it in theLettre de la Montagne, where there can be “de grands changements dans les coeurs, des conversions sans clat, de la foi sans dispute, du zle sans fanatisme, de la raison sans impit”.

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The Trivulziana Cod. N. 1458 is a variant of the dispatch, known as the “Landus report” in the Hungarian historiography. This report narrates the history of Hungary from the death of Louis the Great up to the peace between Matthias Corvinus and Frederick III in 1463. However, the codex of the Trivulziana Library also contains a new closing section, which narrates the events following the death of Matthias. In this paper, I examine two questions: (a) was this closing section written by the same person as the so-called Landus report?; (b) does this closing section provide us new pieces of information concerning the history of Hungary? In addition to this, I give a general account of the content of the dispatch and review its editions and its manuscript tradition. Moreover, I outline its reception in the Hungarian historiography. Finally, in the Appendix I give the transcription of the closing section of the manuscript as well as another unpublished part of the manuscript, although the examination of this will be the subject of further studies.

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die persönliche Geschichte. Ich bin der Meinung, daß ihre obige Schlußfolgerung in bezug auf die Erinnerung und den Erinnernden auch im allgemeinen richtig ist, im Hinblick auf den Holocaust jedoch in besonderem Maße. „… their testimonies invites us to

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Survivors Remember the Holocaust 2004 Rosen, Ilana (2004b): Literaried Testimonies: Life Histories of Holocaust Survivors of

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