The paper deals with the features and functions of Hera in the Homeric Hymns. The corpus preserves a very short and trivial hymn to her (h.Hom. 12), two nearly identical references to her sleep during the birth of Hermes in the two Hymns devoted to him (h.Merc. 8 and h.Hom. 18. 8) and other minimal allusions (h.Ap. 95 and 99, h.Ven. 40). Especially interesting is the leading role played by Hera in two mythical episodes narrated in the Hymns: the binding and subsequent liberation of the goddess by Hephaistos in the the fragmentary Hymn to Dionysos (number 1 of the corpus) and the birth of Typhoeus, which was conceived as an act of revenge against Zeus for giving birth Athena (h.Ap. 305ss.). On the other hand, the myth of the Hymn to Apollo (305–338) is revisited attending to some striking Hittite parallels concerning the relationship between the oath by Heaven and Earth and the birth of a monstrous rival of the king of gods.
having sent away Demetrius, and hastily dispatched some troops of horse to fetch him back; but they found that prince, who had been in fear of pursuit, already seated on his throne, and, after doing all they could to no purpose, returned to their king
A land grant issued by Raṇasiṃhadeva of the Candrāvatī branch of the Paramāra dynasty in North-West India has recently come to my attention. It contains a genealogy of the Candrāvatī line from Utpalarāja to Raṇasiṃha. This ruler was hitherto known only from one published inscription (the Roheญā plates), and has been thought to be a usurper who briefly snatched the throne from the legitimate ruler Dhārāvarṣa. The grant, dated 1 November 1161 CE, makes no mention of Dhārāvarṣa, calling for a reinterpretation of some ambiguous lines of the Roheญā inscription. It is a possibility that Raṇasiṃha was not a usurper, but ruled as a regent during Dhārāvarṣa’s minority and then willingly handed the throne over to him.
In the Greek world, the celebrations of Dionysus were different: the Rural Dionysia and the City Dionysia, the Lenee, the Antestèrie, the Oscofòrie, the Ascalia and the Bacchanalia. During the Bacchanalia, women ran, danced and screamed in the woods, and fell prey to Dionysian inebriation. In 186 BC, the Roman Senate issued a decree that limited the cult of Bacchus Dionysus in Rome and in Italy, because of sexual abuses (see Livy, Ab Urbe condita 39. 8 – 39. 18). The diffusion of Bacchanalia was a risk for people and for the dignitas of Rome. In 1640 in Tiriolo, Calabria, during the excavation for the foundations of the so-called Palazzo Cicala, a bronze inscription and fragments of columns were found; the inscription had the original text of Senatus Consultum de Bacchanalibus with which, in 186 BC, the Roman Senate forbade the Bacchanalia. In Latium, during the excavation of the so-called Domus delle Pitture in Bolsena, directed by the École Française de Rome, between 1964 and 1982, a fragment of a throne's base and a cherub's leg were found in a layer of ashes in an underground room. Another 150 pieces of the throne, including ribbons and fragments of a panther head, were recovered in a specific spot of the room. Fragments, carefully restored and reassembled, compose an object called Trono delle Pantere of Bolsena, datable between the end of the 3rd century BC and the early years of the 2nd century BC. The left and rear sides are better preserved. The first represents a panther sitting on a throne with a cherub on his knees while it grabs at the ears of beast; the rear side represents a pattern with wings blocked by ribbons. The front side is completely destroyed. The throne has different sets of problems on its religious meaning and its decoration, where the Dionysiac theme is clear. The panther, the cherubs and the ribbons recall the Dionysus sphere, during which he was hidden inside a cave. Indeed, the underground room of Bolsena was appropriated to Bacchanalia. This paper intends to link Tiriolo and Bolsena, through the specific cases of two cities; in the first we have a proof of the enforcement of the law in 186 BC, and in the second we have an evidence of its application, with the destruction of a throne and of a Bacchic shrine.
Aelius Caesar’s Pannonia coin in light of Hadrian’s succession politics. Pannonia province’s first securely identified personification is found on one of Aelius Caesar’s coin reverses, minted in 137. A.D. Its occurrence can be explained with that he was the newly designated heir to the throne, who was sent to govern both Pannonia Inferior and Superior. Its iconography that is based on Hadrian’s Concordia exercituum coin from 119–120/121, has a clear message, which calls upon the inhabitants of the empire and especially the soldiers to swear allegiance and loyalty to the new heir. It is interesting to see that both Trajan and Hadrian were in command of a large number of troops, when they came to power, just like Aelius. Putting the designated heir in charge of a considerable military strength was a well working way to secure that the throne was passed on to whom it was intended to. Pannonia’s further importance lay in its strategic geographical position, because it was a territory that was in charge of a large army, but was also located closest to Rome.
The paper attempts to interpret a so-far unpublished engraving without signature or date, and to identify the circumstances and date of its creation. The starting clues for the interpretation are two well-known heraldic motifs: the coat of arms of the Hungarian Kingdom and that of the Austrian line of the Habsburg dynasty. The former is held by an allegorical female figure — the personification of Hungaria, the latter is kept by a young ruler wearing a crown, on the right and left of the composition respectively. The essential message of the composition also emphasized by other motifs is obvious: the “meeting”, interdependence, mutually useful collaboration of the regnum and the dynasty is the principal theme. Beyond this general idea, however, the composition has more concrete implications. It wishes to indicate the precedents, historical causes of this advantageous and beneficial concord and cooperation as well as the valid and worthwhile future perspectives from the vantage point of the time of creation.
This context lends special appeal and importance to the question who — whose ideal portrait — can be identified with the crowned male figure carrying the Habsburg arms. It must be someone who in the clearly hungaricus context is entitled to embody the competence, aptitude and resoluteness of the Habsburg rulers. The answer will be obvious if we consider where the Habsburgs' long and often manifested aspiration for the acquisition or preservation of the Hungarian throne comes from. To be more precise: if we name the ruler of the Habsburg dynasty who, by the grace of God (Dei gratia) and by the will of the estate, firstly became the king of Hungary.
The successor to Sigismund of Luxemburg, Albert I of Habsburg — the person we were looking for — had a short reign, but his figure was remembered with acknowledgement and respect by posterity. The bicentenary of his accession to the throne (1 January 1438) was celebrated by several commemorative events at the time of the diet sitting in Pozsony in 1637—38. Great emphasis was laid on the anniversary in the political publications of the period as well, particularly in the Latin works whose publication was promoted by the bishop of Eger — later archbishop of Esztergom — György Lippay. The engraving presented in the paper was made for one of these publications as a frontispiece. Consequently, it might have been ordered by György Lippay, which is also proven by the dedication to him in Latin and the coat of arms of the bishop in the middle of the engraving.
In his youth Bela III, king of Hungary (1172-1196) lived in Constantinople as the betrothed of the emperor Manuel Comnenus' daughter and was appointed to be heir to the Byzantine throne. There he was called Alexius probably owing to an oracle, according to which Manuel's successor's name would start with the letter alpha. However, when a son - also named Alexius - was born to Manuel, he had him crowned co-emperor and had the betrothal of Bela and Maria dissolved on the pretext of a ruling of the 1166 Synod of Constantinople, which banned marriage between relations by marrige to the seventh degree. It is this ruling that is referred to in a sentence in Cinnamus, which has been ignored this far because of the assumption that Bela and Maria were related in the eighth degree. As a matter of fact, they were related in the seventh degree by the marriage of the Hungarian king Stephen IV and Maria Comnena, daughter of Isaac Sebastokrator.
The memory of Sigismund of Luxembourg was celebrated in 1987 and 2006 resp. by ample exhibitions. Among other things all remains and all members of the Order of the Dragon Knights founded by him were recorded. On the basis of a passage of a poem however one more member can be added to those. In the Panegyric on the Venetian patrician Marcello written by Janus Pannonius between 1455 and 1458, he mentions Marcello's distinctions: The Crescent Order given him by René d'Anjou, some award of the French king and the Dragon Order bestowed on him by the King of Hungary. Marcello supported with enthusiasm René's aspirations to the throne of Naples and lined up also the poesy of the student poet of Ferrara, Janus Pannonius. When however the king of France, Charles VII, intervened in the internal war of Italy, he used as a means also his brother-in-law, René d'Anjou. Thus René found himself face to face on the battle-field with Marcello who was his fellowknight in the Dragon Order and faithful cicitzen of his fatherland, the Republic of Venice in one. In consequence of this situation Marcello got into a lasting inner conflict. As a memory of this can be understood the two large illustrations of the Strabo codex of 1459. According to the eyewitness Janus Pannonius Marcello wore the Dragon Order bestowed on him by the king of Hungary in accordance with the statutes.
The article examines the history of the following words found in diplomatic correspondence of Muscovite Russia of the 17th century: vstupan'e 'entry (into); come into smth. (administration, possession); accession to the throne', vygubiti 'kill; exterminate, extirpate; destroy', vyznan´e 'confession; confirmation, evidence', vymogati, vymoci 'extort (from)', vypucen´e 'release; liberation,', vysvobo?(d)en'e 'liberation; discharge', vysluchati 'listen (to)'. The author aims at proving that these intraslavonic derivates are interslavonic borrowings/loanwords in the written Russian language of the second half of the 16th and 17th centuries. The article contains facts proving these words to be Polonisms in the Russian language and “prostaja mova”, the latter, in the author's opinion, appeared to be the mediator when these words were being borrowed by the Russian language. The materials of the article considerably specify the chronology of vstupan´e, vymogati, vymoci, vypucen´e in the Russian written language and it is the first time the words vyznan´e, vysluchati have been discovered in the monuments of the Russian written language by the author of this investigation.