“Red Apple” is an Armenian marriage tradition. In Armenia newlywed couples used to make love for the first time on the night after the wedding. The woman is expected to have her first sexual experience at that time only. Following the First Night, proof of the bride’s virginity was given in the form of a blood spot on the bed-sheet.If the bride is a virgin, the main ceremony of the “Red Apple” is performed. Several married women — relatives of the man — prepare a tray of red apples and take it to the home of the bride’s parents. This visit is to show appreciation and praise for the bride’s parents.If the bride is not a virgin, she is judged strictly. She might be publicly shamed and divorced.Up to now this tradition has been generally observed. However, contemporary social changes are influencing the “Red Apple” tradition as well. Various transformations can be seen both in the tradition’s interpretation and in the way it is observed.This article is based on field research. It consists of two parts. In the first part the contemporary interpretations of the requirement of a woman’s virginity are presented. In the second part an attempt is made to outline the main levels of the observance and transformation of the tradition.
Dohnányi's Second Piano Quintet in E-flat minor was written in 1914 and is less well-known than his first one dating from 1895. The composer has been called a traditionalist, so it is worth examining how tradition appears in this work. The outer movements of the three-movement-form are both elegiac and weighty. The beginning bears the key signature of E-flat major instead of minor, but the keys are changing rapidly as the piece progresses. This is reminiscent of Franz Schubert or of Antonín Dvořák, for instance in his Piano Quartet (op. 87) inspired by Brahms. The third movement's opening is a homage to Beethoven's late String Quartet in A Minor (op. 132). While the latter works on a sub-thematic level, Dohnányi presents an elaborated theme in fugal technique, which in 1914 was a more conservative approach than Beethoven's in 1825. For Dohnányi, the symmetric structures are not a way out of traditional tonality (unlike for Bartók, who also frequently used symmetries), but rather are a way of extending it. The formal concept is no less interesting. The recapitulation of the first movement's material within the third is evocative of the double-function form used by Franz Liszt. While Liszt conflated the traditional multi-movement form into a new one-movement form, Dohnányi – so to speak – concealed the characteristics of the new one-movement form inside a traditional three-movement form. Thus, one could ask if the accusations against Dohnányi for being a traditionalist are justified. Perhaps instead we should reconsider how traditionalism and modernity are situated in our own set of aesthetic values.
In this article the “engagement flower” tradition in the mountain
villages, namely Tekeler, Yaðþýlar and Þenköy in Karpuzlu
county, and the city of Aydýn in Western Anatolia will be described and the
functional structure of this tradition will be analyzed
The production and conservation of fruit in the Ararat plain is the activity of women in summer and autumn, which is not only prescribed by the local community, but also their inner drive. The intervention of the authorities (collectivization, when the lands were taken into public ownership; then the return of the lands) changed the traditional method of fruit production and also influenced the way of life and the mentality of people of the villages. Besides presenting the traditional fruit products and production, I would like to suggest that the hesitation between traditions and development has become part of everyday life of the quasi archaic, but formally modernized society. However the desired and perceived “development” manifested as the solution for moving beyond the post-soviet state, the inherited family and community traditions and morals can provide safety after the breakdown of public order.
Since the waning of the world concept offered by classical physics, law is seen as embodied less by material objects any longer than in a specific way of thinking. Consequently, the normativist perspective of legal positivism is also getting replaced by the comprehension of law in context of culture and tradition.In its own context, any of the terms of 'system', 'family' or 'culture' can be applied independently from each other but it is to be noted that 'tradition' is at the same time both a part and a given path of culture. In legal thought, concrete and generalising (abstract) ways of thinking are equally recoursed to, just as types which search for a solution either in the case's terms in its entirety or in the exclusive bounds of the given normative conceptual framework. It is only Western law that has become differentiated out of the rest, when individualism advanced and thinking in term of subjective rights grew into a dominant pattern, contrasted to our primitive (albeit surviving) approach to law which also expects, in addition to external conformity, the realisation of the law's internal ethos based on own initiative. English law, however, has revealed its face only gradually, as it has factual decisions made through an only-processually-arranged laic (jury) process while it has bound the declaration of what the law is to such facts of the cases among which no logical relationship can be established. In Civil Law, the treatment of adjudication as argumentation, and in Common Law, as practical reasoning, led the judicial process into a sphere only smoothly controllable by logic. Jewish and Islamic laws accept contradictory arguments from the outset. As to Indian and Far-Eastern cultures, they reject even the underlying questionto be raised. This way, in legal problem-solving the assessment of the merits of the caseandthe recourse to a reductive procedure can complement one another on the basis of some compromise. Institutionalisation itself is, as it channels the legal problem-solving to givenpaths, a function of a previously formed idea of order, of a given mentality. Our legaltheorising today is built mostly separatedly either on the classification and interpretation of facts or on the re-conventionalisation of the philosophical generalisation of concepts, with little interaction between the two types of approaches and research attitudes. Therefore, in order to encourage debate and commensurability, it is important that notions of law, at least tacitly assumed to substantiate their choices of subject, are clarified.
Linda Peterson. "The Female Bildungsroman: Tradition and Subversion in Oliphant's fiction", in D. J. Trela, Margaret Oliphant: The Gentle Subversive. Cranbury-London: Associated University Press, 1995, 66
Marincola, J. : Authority and Tradition in Ancient Historiography . Cambridge, Mass. 1997, 224; Gruen, E.S. : Augustus and the Ideology of War and Peace. In The Age of Augustus . Ed. R. Winkes . Providence 1985, 70; and Oakley (n. 4) III 198