distribution of identificational focus and the verbalparticle. In: É. Kiss (2006b, 201–24).
É. Kiss, Katalin (ed.) 2006b. Event structure and the left periphery. Studies on Hungarian. Springer, Dordrecht
1 Introduction This paper deals with the syntax of Hungarian verbalparticles that belong to the larger semantic group of repetitive elements. The main focus is on the verbalparticle újra ‘again’, an element that has primarily been discussed as
In this paper I
discuss Hungarian progressive as it is expressed in focus-free sentences whose
VP possibly contains a particle (verbal prefix). I define three simple
distributional tests on the basis of which logical correspondences between
certain types of expressions are established. These correspondences are then
used to refute the hypothesis that the progressive in Hungarian is a
stativizer. Finally, I take a broader look at the possibility of predicting the
existence of the progressive reading in the case of particle plus verb
This article presents two grammaticalization types of separable perfective particles in Estonian. The bounding particle (BP) use of the semantically most bleached Estonian separable verbal particle ära is demonstrated to display a distinct status in the grammaticalization of aspect. The special character of the BP is illustrated by contrasting the BP ära, on the one hand, with the well-established use of the particle with the same form (ära) and, on the other hand, several other perfective particles, which are referred to here as instances of completive particles (CP). The study of differences brings out the following novel facts about the BP. The particle occurs only in context-dependent, agentive sentences that typically describe the achievement of planned or foreseen endpoints of events. The perfective sentences with the BP contain primarily activity verbs; however, verbs in such sentences can belong to all aspectual classes, and the combinations are transparent. The occurrence of an argument that would serve as a “measure” for the event is thereby optional. The evidence that the BP and verb combinations do not allow for the derivation of adjectives (participles) also demonstrates the difference between the principles of combining a verb and a BP as opposed to a CP.
Authors:Gábor Alberti, Judit Farkas, and Veronika Szabó
: Osiris Kiadó . 15 – 184 .
É. Kiss , Katalin . 2002 . The syntax of Hungarian . Cambridge : Cambridge University Press .
É. Kiss , Katalin . 2006 . The function and the syntax of the verbalparticle . In K. É. Kiss (ed.) Event structure