The paper examines the applicability of informetric methods to trace the pattern of debate about the three main critical issues of the modern Welfare State in Denmark: economic aspects, legitimacy and functionality. The methodology of issue tracking is used to follow the developments of these issues in periods through national databases of various types covering information about the research, implementation, press and legislation aspects. The approach taken is novel in that it implements and tests issue tracking in this area of social sciences, and tries to reduce subjectivity in the analysis of trends influencing social policy and public opinion. The study aims to show how the emerging data and text mining techniques can be applied to integrate downloaded bibliographic data with other types of information in a strategic mix.
mobility, welfarestate traditions, and systems act as steering mechanisms to mobility, directing, and redirecting flows, as they foster motives for improved life conditions.
Furthermore, refugee education policies will be examined in selected
. Conceptualizations of welfarestate such as those of Esping-Andersen ( 1990 ), Cohrane, Clarke, and Gewirtz ( 2001 ), Arts and Gelissen ( 2001 ), Ferrera ( 2005 ) inform the analysis, without necessarily providing for an overarching analytical framework, as the
A tanulmány célja, hogy – 1968 kapcsán – a 60-as és a 70-es évek társadalom- és
gazdaságtörténeti, valamint gazdaságpolitikai összefüggéseit röviden áttekintse,
a diáklázadások gazdasági, társadalmi hátterét valamennyire megvilágítsa.
Először egy rövid történelmi áttekintést ad az írás az ’50-es évek végétől a
’70-es évek elejéig tartó időszak legfontosabb történelmi eseményeiről. Ezt
követően a fejlett világban a ’60-as években induló posztindusztriális korszak
társadalmi, gazdasági és oktatási összefüggéseit ismerteti röviden. Majd a
’60-as évek végén megtorpanó jóléti állam társadalmi sajátosságait vázolja fel,
bemutatva a gazdaságpolitikai korszakváltást: a keynesiánizmus leáldozását és a
libertariánus megközelítés felerősödését.
Befejezésül az írás rámutat, hogy a 60-as évek vége fontos korszakhatár volt,
amelyet a diáklázadások mintegy lakmuszpapírként jeleztek.
Keynesian policy was quite successful in the post-war decades in Western Europe, but by the late 1960s lost its efficiency due to changes in conditions rather than its mistaken logic. The lesson from the first global crisis erupting in early 1970s and also from the subsequent several crises since then is that the increasing crisis propensity of the world economy is rooted in its inherent disequilibria stemming from deep inequalities, asymmetrical interdependencies and disintegrated socio-economic structures. In view of the failure of the prevailing methods of crisis management, particularly those undifferentiated, antisocial austerity measures corresponding to a neo-liberal monetarist concept which neglects this lesson, many economists prefer the Keynesian recipe. However, since global crises need global solution, and the spread of conspicuous consumption modify the demand constraint, its application must be adjusted to reality, and requires some global governance which may pave the way for a global oeco-social market economy.
Europe is not only the land of origin, but also the principal keeper of social rights, since it is associated with the concept of Europeanism. The obvious social restrictions in Hungary as well as in other countries of Europe in recent years make it absolutely reasonable to examine to what social-economic context the discernible withdrawal of welfare services provided by the state is attributable. The similar manifestations are supported by no means by the same system of social conditions. As to its basis and dating back to its historical origin, the current social policy of the EU is framed in the spirit of the conceptual system of the social state. The Fundamental Rights Charter (just as the “European Constitution Treaty”, as part of which it may become mandatory) does not reflect either the labour society or Europe of the peoples, but the conceptions of the capital, of political classes and eurocracy. Nevertheless: considering the power relations of global capitalism, we need to appreciate as an apparent actuality that in the midst of these relations the charter insists not only on the requirement of European unity, but also on a modernised version of the social conceptual system. The purpose of this treatise has been to highlight that social objectives cannot be treated as isolated from their economic and social context. We should not risk balance by the maintenance and preservation of a social-organisational framework via overspending, which altogether contradicts the possibility of development and the sustainability of equilibrated development.