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Summary

This paper aims at describing some of the main structural and functional characteristics of two subordinate patterns, namely infinitive clauses governed by verba dicendi et sentiendi (i.e. the so-called Accusativus cum Infinitivo) and participial clauses, as they occur in the Vulgate. The characteristics of the use of the Accusativus cum Infinitivo will be interpreted within the context of the uses of this structure in other Latin texts written in different periods. In particular, and in the framework of a functional-typologi- cal approach, we will investigate word-order phenomena.

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This paper aims at describing some of the main structural and functional characteristics of completive clauses governed by verba dicendi et sentiendi in Boethius's De consolatione philosophiae. The characteristics of the use of the Accusativus cum Infinitivo (AcI) will be analysed in comparison with the uses of other Latin authors. The data will be described on the basis of two main aspects: constituent order, and the coreferentiality of the subject of the AcI with elements in the main clause. Compared to the predominance of AcI constructions, quod-clauses show a consistent pattern and are limited to well- defined contexts. Some aspects of the use of quin and ut will also be described. Special attention will be given to the problems of syntactic and semantic interpretation of the governing verbs, which can be difficult to define clearly. This study will also set the ground for further research on the influence of Boethius's Latin model on Italo-Romance literary texts in the Middle Ages, both on the syntactic and the stilistic level.

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The copious corpus of deviations from standard Latin from Trier spans more than 800 years (50 BC–800 AD) and comprises both pagan and Christian inscriptions, the latter exclusively on tombstones. This paper points out the most salient non-standard features in the categories of phonetics, morphology, syntax and vocabulary. Most of them conform to standard Vulgar Latin, but some yield features of the inscriptions’ area, such as Western Romance (preservation of final -s, voicing intervocalic stops), Gallo-Romance (qui instead of quae, nasalisation), and the extinct Moselle Romance. A few features might reflect Gaulish substrate influence ([u] > [y], e before nasals > i, ē > ī, ō > ū, -m > -n). Clues for palatalisation and the raisings ē > ī, ō > ū are the most prominent phonetic features, the latter supporting, combined with the preservation of final -s, a renewed paradigm of nominal inflection. Morphosyntactic changes are driven by analogy and regularisations. Starting at the fringes, the erosion of case syntax ended up in a complete breakdown. Christianity fostered the recording of previously undocumented substandard features, completed the assimilation of Celtic (which pagan polytheism and the upwards mobility of Roman society had initiated) and supported the cultural integration of Germanic immigrants.

Piae memoriae Henrici Heinen, viri doctissimi

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Centones are works that might be interpreted as bis in idem, in a positive manner, being si- multaneously a revitalisation of prior works and an independent piece, which grants a perception per se. In addition to their poetic value, a major relevance draws from the text itself, as descendant of a previous source, perfectly known not only to the author of the cento, but to the public as well, capable to appreci- ate the virtuosity. Cento nuptialis composed by Ausonius is to be considered both as Vergilian inheritance manoeuvred with poetic skill and as binomial of theory and practice, preserved in the letter addressed to Paulus.

We examine two formal aspects: the iunctura points and the entire verses taken from Vergil. The iunctura of the hemistichs seems to be occasionally generated by the presence of a certain word. Regard- ing the entire Vergilian verses, the letter addressed to Paulus states that two consecutive entire verses ineptum est: the assertion might be understood either as aiming at two consecutive verses in the source text, or as two entire verses, belonging to different parts of the source text. If the second interpretation is correct, Cento nuptialis begins inelegantly (ineptum).

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In introductions to the Thesaurus Linguae Latinae it is always stated that the ThLL considers all texts up to about 600 AD. But what does this mean in concrete terms: ‘all’ and ‘up to approx. 600’? Is an inscription from the year 610 still cited? And how did the ThLL define this limit? I will deal with these questions here. In addition, I will briefly explain to what extent the ThLL is not only the most comprehensive Latin dictionary, but also the only modern Late Latin dictionary.

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Linguistic color refers to a wide variety of notions: In traditional rhetoric it refers to elements of ornatus in speech, typically rhetoric figures. Secondly, emotions and acoustic qualities come into view. Quintilian was the first to add a moral and educational component. Finally, Cicero and Quintilian share the social connotation of color: They highlight the color of Rome as linguistic principle: the capital's urbanitas guides orators as well as all other inhabitants of Rome. The semantical range of color develops from rhetoric to sociolinguistics.

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The aim of the paper is to examine the types of coreferentiality that exist between implicit and explicit elements of absolute constructions and the constituents of the clauses in which these constructions are embedded. The question is analysed from a diachronic perspective. I argue that the problem of coreferentiality should be taken into consideration in discussions on the emergence of the accusative or nominative absolute, and in discussions about such phenomena as nominativus pendens.

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This paper looks at uses and pragmatic functions of five hypothetic clauses used parenthetically in Late Latin to soften the illocutionary force of potentially face-threatening acts such as orders and requests. Specifically, the data show that these politeness markers typically mitigate a very specific type of interactional move, i.e., meta-textual proposals with topic-management, turn-yielding, and discourseorganizational concerns. Moreover, the corpus-based study has revealed that they are found above all in Augustine’s philosophical dialogues. Evidence from earlier research has shown, on the other hand, that in Classical Latin si placet was used almost exclusively in Cicero’s philosophical dialogues: this suggests a process of imitation within a very specific discourse tradition, where these markers are perceived as a stylistic feature typical of urbane conversations among educated friends.

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The Vetus Latina Bible includes a variety of vocabulary according to various translators’ and revisers’ milieus and intents as they worked from Greek originals. This study aims to analyze the use of cultic verbs in the Vetus Latina Book of Daniel in all its pluriformity, and in Jerome’s translations of the Greek additions to this book.

In order to do so, I focus on key patristic witnesses to trace verbs denoting or connoting divine worship, from the time of Tertullian of Carthage, over Cyprian of Carthage and Lucifer of Caralis, to Jerome of Stridon. The expressions treated, each corresponding to a Greek verb, are: seruio, colo, famulor, appareo, exomologesin facio, hymnum cano, sacrifico, timeo, benedico, adoro, laudo, confiteor, and primitiae. They are analyzed in relation to their Greek Vorlagen and to the Latin context consisting in similar renderings by the same Fathers. The biblical book’s fragmentary VL manuscript evidence and the wider patristic and liturgical tradition are also taken into account. This approach allows for a diachronic view marked sometimes by continuity, sometimes by change, for the Latin rendering of a Greek verb.

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This paper focuses on some problems that emerge in the analysis of Latin partitive structures of various times and in the study of their diachronic relationship to Romance partitive structures. It especially deals with constructions of the form V + NP (with NP marked by the Genitive Case or governed by the preposition DĒ) which are examined in their formal and functional properties. Starting from a critical reconsideration of how they are described in various prominent grammars and studies, this paper underlines their non-homogeneous character. In particular, it casts doubts on the association of some of the constructions with V + Genitive NP to partitive function. As to the structures with NP governed by DĒ, it is argued that in the sample of sentences considered, which includes passages from Plautus, Cicero, Martial, Petronius, the preposition fundamentally retains its original value that expresses spatial movement from a place (physical or mental), and therefore assigns to the prepositional phrase a function of spatial origin that is inextricably interwoven to a possible partitive value. This brings to the conclusion that the spatial value may have been a main path to the development of the partitive function in the constructions with DĒ.

This paper also questions the equivalence of the constructions with NP marked by Genitive and those with NP governed by DĒ. It comes to the conclusion that no direct functional continuity from the first to the latter can be envisaged if one accepts the traditional typological description whereby the structures with DE gradually came to replace those with the Genitive. However, some Late Latin constructions with DE show formal and functional similarities with the older Romance partitive constructions.

The influence of Greek on Latin is discussed as a possible factor that affected the shaping of Latin partitive constructions over time, though it is arguably difficult to prove it in a satisfactory way and this issue deserves further research.

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In this paper we analyze the use of the demonstrative pronouns hic, iste, ille, ipse, idem, is in two Iberian cronicae (the first one from the beginning of the 7th century, and the second one from the late 9th century), showing the evolution of that system.

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This study compares the Vulgar Latin Raetia, Noricum, Venetia et Histria, Pannónia Superior, Pannónia Inferior and Dalmatia with each other and their provincial capitals in relation to the hypothesized large dialectal isoglosses of Vulgar Latin, and in turn, to the modern Romance languages located in those areas, such as Western Romance, Northern Italian, Southern Italian and Eastern Romance dialects. The analysis is done on the palatal and velar vowels, the V∼B merger, intervocalic V drop, sonorization, degemination, assimilation, palatalization and final /-s/ drop. The territories of the Alps-Danube-Adria region will be classified according to their similarities to each other and their similarity to the Vulgar Latin or Romance dialects.

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The paper deals with the ways of expressing evidential and mirative semantics in the language of Roman comedy. The author claims that the phenomena under consideration belong to the grammar rather than to the lexicon of the Latin language, and shows that various evidential and mirative values can be expressed by the use of verbal tenses, voices, moods and syntactic construction. It is stressed that evidential and mirative functions in such units result only from the interaction of different linguistic parameters within a certain context and does not reside in the units taken in isolation. The main focus of the study is on the linguistic techniques which were preferred by Plautus and Terence. The comparative analysis of the linguistic strategies found in the author's present and the previous research demonstrates that the choice of a particular strategy depends on a given genre. Thus, some strategies (e.g., impersonal passive, inferential perfect and future, imperfect of a truth just recognized, mirative use of the subjunctive and infinitive) are preferred by comic poets while other techniques (e.g., deductive use of debere, gnomic future as a reportative strategy, cum inversum as a mirative device) which may be used in historic or epic narrative, never occur in the language of Roman comedy.

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The 5th-century Gaulish grammarian Consentius wrote an extensive treatise on errors in spoken Latin. In the Roman grammatical tradition, errors in single words are deemed to arise by means of the improper addition, removal, substitution, and misplacement of one of the constitutive elements of the word (letter, syllable, quantity, accent, and aspiration). Late grammarians assumed that the four catego- ries of change applied to accents too, but only Consentius provided an example for each of these cases. However, his discussion poses some problems. The examples of removal, substitution and misplacement of an accent all concern the word orator and present oddities such as a circumflex accent on the antepe- nultimate syllable; they were clearly made up for the sake of completeness and have no bearing on our understanding of Vulgar Latin. On the other hand, the example of addition of an accent is tríginta, with retraction of the accent on the antepenultimate syllable; this must be genuine and fits in well with current reconstructions of most Romance continuations of Latin triginta (Italian trenta, French trente, etc.) and other vigesimals (uiginti, quadraginta, etc.).

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This paper compares the romanization of Gaul in the 1st century BC and the gallicization of the island of Martinique during 17th-century French colonial expansion, using criteria set out by Muf- wene's Founder Principle. The Founder Principle determines key ecological factors in the formation of creole vernaculars, such as the founding populations and their proportion to the whole, language varieties spoken, and the nature and evolution of the interactions of the founding populations (also referred to as “colonization styles”). Based on the comparison, it will be claimed that new languages arise when a language undergoes vehicularization and subsequently shifts from one speech community to another. In other words, linguistic genesis would be a complicated case of language contact, where not only one, but sev- eral dialects of both superstrate and substrate varieties are involved, in a historical context where the identity function of language, or the norm, is overriden by the need to communicate. Research also indicates that language varieties spoken at the time of the shift did not pertain to normative usage, but to popular varieties, dialects, or both, since the emerging vernaculars - in Gaul, as well as in Martinique - preserved some of their phonological and lexical particularities.

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I examine verbal prefixation analyzing the functional changes of the Latin ad- prefix from Classical Latin to Italian. In order to conduct the research properly I needed to separate the verbs in ety- mological groups directly derived from Latin (Classical, Vulgar or Late Latin) from the verbs created in the Romance period and the Latin loan verbs. The different origin of the verbs influences our expectation regarding the analyzability of a given verb (the recognisability of the prefix as an independent element and its semantic value - which can be different from that of its Latin origin). This division is not as clear cut as it seems to be, because, in the case of the Italian, phonetic evidence in favour of one group or another is often missing. I present the possible solutions I found for the grouping problems using semantic evidence, comparison with the other Romance languages, dating of the given verb, etc. Furthermore, I highlight the general and specific factors which determine the assignment of a certain verb to a certain group in order to obtain a precise but still flexible set of verbal categories.

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In this paper we study the evolution of locative relative adverbs from Classical to Late Latin and Early Romance Languages. The focus is posed on a corpus of Iberian chartae from the 9th–10th centuries.

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In this paper, I am going to deal with illocutionary intensification, one of the specific features of curse texts, and the role prefixes play in it. Illocutionary intensification operates at the discursive-pragmatic level, modifying the illocutive act through strengthening and modal reinforcement, and is typically applied to verbs and verbal modifiers. Latin curse tablets evidence various linguistic peculiarities. They are highly formulaic and contain features related to the category of language for special purposes. These texts often employ peculiar textual rules which reflect the magical ritual accompanying the text and are focused on the supposed effect on the curse victim. In many of these texts, we can observe various strategies of illocutionary intensification, such as word repetition, which is relatively rare in literary texts, and the use of evaluative prefixes.

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This paper examines verbs of speech used for introducing direct speech in Late Latin and changes which occurred from Classical to Late Latin. It focuses on four verbal forms which were previously identified as the most frequent in selected Late Latin texts, namely inquit, ait, dicens, and dixit. Their properties and patterns of use are examined and their development into quotative markers are considered. It is shown that while in Classical Latin inquit prevails, in Late Latin the range of verbal forms is wider and includes verbal forms that in Classical texts almost never appeared or had different functions than introducing direct speech. It is argued that despite some signs of grammaticalization, none of the examined forms has become a fully developed quotative marker. Thus, concerning the means for introducing direct speech, variability and heterogeneity are the basic characteristics of Late Latin texts.

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Does the system of anaphorics and deictics already change in the first part of sixth century? In this study we have examined the uses of is, ille and ipse in a few of the Admonitiones of Caesarius Arelatensis. The data have been compared with these of Cicero's Pro Milone. Caesarius uses all the forms, but we note that ille is more frequent. This deictic is expanding to the detriment of is. Also it appears that the use as attributive adjective is much less frequent in Caesarius than in Cicero. What is the reason why the use of ille will develop in late common Latin? The meaning of this deictic is very extensive: it points out to a breaking, an innovation or an opposition. It's true when the speaker continues to say words he hopes he expresses something new. Furthermore the meaning of ille is not very far from ipse which means: “He /she /it and nobody /nothing else”.

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Proto-Romance linguistic transformations are partially hidden by the archaic style that char- acterizes Late Latin documents. However, these texts (e. g. chronicles) permit insights into the changes undergone by the oral language, because authors and scribes can reproduce unconsciously their own speech habits, already different from Classical standard. In our presentation, this curious duality is shown by the example of noun declension, which is undermined, but not yet completely eliminated, in 7th century Latin. A comparison is made between the so-called Fredegarius, a Merovingian chronicle, and an early French poem, the Eulalia Sequence, which manifests the last stage of the declension, just before its disappearance. The morphological change has its counterpart in the restructuration of the sentence: the neighbourhood of subject and verb becomes usual in the surface structure, and certain limitations are im- posed upon the freedom of word order. Thus, the reconstruction process we propose has two aspects: it is necessary to describe the diastratic variation at different moments of the history of Late Latin, and, on the other hand, the results need to be compared with the Early Romance linguistic systems. In this manner, reconstruction can show the coexistence of tradition and innovation in the language, a necessary condition of its normal functioning.

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A number of disparate onomastic phenomena occurring in northwestern Iberia have long puzzled scholars: the abundance of Arabic personal names in early medieval Christian communities, often fossilised as place–names; the extraordinarily profuse Romance toponym Quintana; and a surprisingly high number of hypothetical Amazigh (i.e. Berber) demonyms. In this paper we argue that these seemingly disparate onomastic phenomena can all be explained if it is accepted that following the Islamic invasion of Iberia in 711, the Amazigh settlers of the Northwest were at least partially latinophone. The internal history of the Maghreb suggests this would have been the case at least in the sense of Latin as a lingua franca, a situation which the speed and superficiality of the Islamic conquest of said region would have been unlikely to have altered significantly. In this context, all of the puzzling onomastic elements encountered in the Northwest fall into place as the result of the conquest and settlement of a Romance– speaking region by Romance–speaking incomers bearing Arabic personal names but retaining their indigenous tribal affiliations and logically choosing to interact with the autochthonous population in the lan-guage they all shared.

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After the fall of the Western Roman Empire, the imperial ritual was preserved and systematized in the East, in the ‘Byzantine’ Empire, by intensifying and Christianizing. The Book of Ceremonies by Constantine Porphyrogennetos, written in Greek in Constantinople in the 10th century, by compiling protocols of the previous centuries, gathers a rich collection of court rituals to be observed during the great religious and civil ceremonies which accompanied the important events of the reigns of the sovereigns, and the sportive events at the Hippodrome. We investigate about the permanence and the future of the Latin language in the ceremonial of the Byzantine Court: the survival of formulaic expressions of order and acclamation in Latin (rhômaïzein), Latin phrases underlaying the Greek text, and a great lot of Latinisms (rhômaï(k)a lexis) in the institutional and technical lexicon, sometimes unknown in Latin, which attest integrational processes, lexical creation, and phenomens of ‘aller-retour’ (round trip) between the West and the East, and between the Greek and the Latin languages.

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This article proposes a quantitative study of the Latin demonstratives as found in the private and original charters of written in Italy between the 8th and 10th century. It also contains a brief qualitative study of the demonstrative IPSE. Our analysis shows that the evolution of the demonstratives in the charters corresponds to their evolution in the spoken language. These analyses also appear to foreshadow the 11th and 12th century Renaissance which occurred in southern Italy and which is perhaps comparable to the Carolingian Renaissance in Gaul. The qualitative analysis of IPSE demonstrates that the grammaticalization of this demonstrative had not acquired the critical point after which it could be treated as a definite article. Aebischer’s hypothesis that IPSE and ILLE functioned as two variants acting in synonymy should therefore be rejected

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This paper intends to investigate the development of the periphrastic form for the dative and genitive in the Merovingian charters. The periphrastic forms are reserved in Classical Latin to some special uses: the indirect object after a verb that has the prefix ad- and the partitive function of the genitive they replace. These forms extend to new uses in the Late Latin and are the new majoritarian form for the indirect object, but remain a minoritarian variant for the functions of the classical genitive. The genitival functions adapt to new forms of expression: the periphrastic form and a fixed position in the sentence immediately after the noun, its complete. This paper tries to show and to corroborate by means of statistics and chosen examples of the 7th and 8th centuries the development of these forms, which were still rare in the classical period.

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This paper aims to examine some aspects of the verbal inflectional endings found in a corpus of 9th-century legal documents produced in the Lombard duchy of Salerno, in the South of Italy. Compared to nominal inflection, verbal inflection endings display a stronger continuity with the Latin of previous stages. Nevertheless, different types of innovations are observable. On the basis of data from present indicative and subjunctive, two of them will be analysed: 1) innovative forms explicable in terms of well-known morpho-phonological processes and showing convergence with the Romance outcomes 2) innovative variants, that can be interpreted in different ways, diverging both from previous stages of the Latin and from the Romance outcomes. To interpret both these kinds of variation, a crucial role is played by external factors such as the cultural level of the authors of the documents and their capability to conform to the traditional linguistic models.

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Our contribution to the Colloquium of Late and Vulgar Latin has been anticipated by previous interventions and articles written on that subject. We have been much helped by the online data of the projects PaLaFra and CoLaMer, which are offering a wide range of texts in late Latin, both historical and hagiographic.We found it hard to define aspirated consonants: they do not exist in modern languages (for instance in French), where they are called digrams or graphical groups or graphemes.

In a corpus made up of late Latin texts, we have discovered words of various origins which contain aspirated consonants: the Hebrew ones are very numerous: pascha or proper names: Seth, Lamech, Iafet/Iaphet (Fredegar), Sabaoth (Passio Quirini). There are also Greek words borrowed by Latin: machi- natio, monachus, thesaurus, prophetess. The Merovingian texts (6th-8th centuries) are a real source of words containing aspirated consonants: the unadapted Frankish words of Pactus legis salicae, which occur together with latinized ones: Bothem, Rhenus, chranne. In Liber Historiae Francorum there are many names of persons and of populations which contain aspirated consonants: Chlodio, Merovechus, Childericus, Gothi. There are many hesitations in the transcription of the aspirated consonants in late Latin texts, therefore we consider our intervention a very useful one for latinists, for specialists of Old French and for romanists.

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We know about a significant number of inscriptions – the major part of them were found in Rome - in which the pronoun idem, the form of the nominative masculine, stands in the place of another grammatical gender or case of the same word (usually a dative), or in the place of the adverb item. In the edited epigraphic corpora, this form is usually interpreted as adverbial and emendated for item. However, in similar context (as for example in the title), we can often see isdem too, the archaic form of the nominative masculine, which cannot be explained on the base of the phonology as derivated from item. In the 19th century, Friedrich Ritschl thought that these forms substituted in reality eidem (dative singular of idem), and explained the change based on phonology (eidem to idem), and then on analogy (idem to isdem). An explanation like this imply the fossilisation of the pronoun, since the variants of the nominative masculine occure in the place of another inflected form of the word, specifically in the dative. In 1907, E. H. Sturtevant published an article (Some Unfamiliar Uses of Idem and Isdem in Latin Inscriptions) in which he intended to refute Ritschl’s claim and to give another interesting interpretation. In his opinion, the fenomenon has different origins in Ostia and in Rome. In his theory, the occurrences of the form idem in a position, which is different from the nominative masculine of the pronoun, are dialectic variants of item if they are from Ostia; though the same forms registrated in Rome are interpreted as consciously used nominatives. In consequence, the fossilisation of the word would be a non-existent fenomenon. The aim of this study is to examine critically Sturtevant’s argumentation concerning the fossilisation of the pronoun idem and its eventual fusion with the adverb item.

Open access

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The shifting from a “dilated diasystem”, when Latin becomes more and more complex, to two distinct linguistic systems, has already been modelled (e.g. by Pulgram, 1950; Berschin, 1986). Relying on their authors’ extensive experience, these models however leave some problems unaddressed. In particular, they consider the language of a specific period as a homogenous whole. Thus, they mostly ignore the variations of registers existing in the language at a same time, sometimes in the same text. In this paper, we propose a method to systematically study the evolution of the various registers used in texts written in Carolingian ages, with regards to later Merovingian ones. Some of the results can be obtained through computerized statistical analysis implementing some artificial intelligence: the tagging of whole sentences can be applied to a large amount of texts, too large to be analyzed otherwise. Using an annotated corpus as training data, we develop an artificial intelligence that identifies the various registers used in a text. We intend to implement it on a large selection of texts written during the same period.

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This study starts from Labov’s proposal that distinguishes linguistic changes from above and from below based on the awareness that speakers have of a change. The basic question of this work is whether these two levels are recognizable in some changes – essentially pragmatic – in late Latin. The development of politeness forms is proposed as a change from above, while the development of minimizers, which sometimes results in terms of negation, as a change from below. In fact, using titles and address forms, related to formality and politeness, requires the speaker/writer be strongly aware of the social characteristics of his own and the interlocutor. Documents of the first centuries as letters by the Popes and the Christian hierarchies show signs of a socio-cultural change that results in new definitions of the self and, consequently, in the use of new address forms. On the contrary, everyday linguistic use, from below, shows how some recurring pragmatic needs determine developments that can affect different levels of the system in several ways. We will exemplify these changes from below with the expressions of small quantities used as minimizers (micam, guttam), showing how these forms are common in late Latin.

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One of the basic features of the itineraries is the presence of toponyms. In the particular case of the Christian itineraries, toponyms operate in two different levels: in the places of the biblical past that is meant to be recalled in the peregrination itself and in the places “truly” visited. This fact gives toponyms a very interesting “diversity”, not only from a cultural standpoint, but also because of all kinds of linguistic facts: phonetic, morphologic, syntactic, etc. These linguistic facts reflect the situation and evolution of late Latin, an aspect of which I am going to focus on the syntactic level.

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Despite the numerous studies carried out on Latin inscriptions from different parts of the Empire, up to date a complete quantitative analysis on the vowel alternations occurring in Latin inscriptions from Sardinia has not yet been carried out. However, such an investigation could shed light on the dynamics of the emergence of the Sardinian vowel system, where the ‘common romance' mergers of ĭ, ē and ŭ, ō did not take place. Therefore, we conducted a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the graphemic alternations (o) ∼ (U) and (e)(i) occurring in an epigraphic corpus containing the available Latin inscriptions from Sardinia. The alternations have been examined with reference to four variables: the proportion against standard spellings, the dating of the inscriptions, the position of lexical stress and the amount of other misspellings in the texts examined. The results show a vowel system which seems to foreshadow the Romance development of the Sardinian varieties from early times due to the low number of misspellings. The reconstruction of the sociocultural context of the inscriptions could help us to explain the distribution of the vowel alternations.

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This paper intends to provide some data about the occurrence of 〈e〉 and 〈o〉 for Classical Latin (= CL) /1/ and /ŭ/ in Latin papyri and ostraca. In order to carry out a study of the incidence of some grapho-phonological phenomena within documentary texts and to examine to what extent they could be related with parameters of sociolinguistic variation, the examined texts have been collected in a corpus which has been tagged for both linguistic and extralinguistic aspects. This corpus is available in the Data-base CLaSSES (http://classes-latin-linguistics.fileli.unipi.it), created at the FILELI Department of the Uni-versity of Pisa (§ 1). The study will focus in particular on the analysis of this graphemic alternance in the Bu Njem ostraca (§ 2.1); then, it will dwell on the qualitative analysis of three lexemes in Egyptian papyri and ostraca in which a proto-Romance merger between /ĭ/ and /ē/ in /e/ and /ŭ/ and /ō/ in /o/ in tonic posi-tion might be documented. Particular attention is paid to interference phenomena with Greek (§ 2.2).

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This paper intends to show that when grouping the various kinds of omissions of final -m in Väänänen‘s study on the Vulgar Latin of Pompeian inscriptions, the subcategories in his category b) (‘m omis sans raison apparente’ i.e. where -m is omitted due to a phonetic process) as “Accusatifs en -a(m) like Succesus amat ancilla(m) and ad porta(m) Romana(m) or “Accusatifs en -e(m)” such as qu(a)e amas Felicione(m) and ante aede(m) must be rearranged in the following two subcategories: 1) cases after prepositions like ad porta(m) Romana(m) and ante aede(m) etc. where besides the phonetic interpretation a parallel morphosyntactic explanation of case confusion cannot be ruled out; and 2) cases with the objective use connected to verbs like Succesus amat ancilla(m) and qu(a)e amas Felicione(m) where, due to the preference of the phonetic interpretation, the morphosyntactic explanation seems to be less probable or even unlikely.

Open access

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This short paper addresses a very vexed issue, to which a huge literature has been dedicated so far: the origin of the so-called gerunds and gerundives in Latin. Any previous attempt has proved un- conclusive, mainly because of the proliferation of ad hoc rules assumed to account for the nd-forms and even more because of the plethora of solutions. Instead of assuming another etymon for the sake of antago- nism, this paper intends to reassess the whole issue within Latin itself: as shown by non-standard syntacti- cal features of Plautinian and Late Latin, there is a morphological relationship between the present parti- ciple and the ndō-gerund, used to express simultaneity. Whereas the previous scholarship has taken for granted the assumption that thematic verbs used to have a *-odno- suffix (cf. OLat. -und-), which led to tautological reconstructions totally unparalleled outside Italic, I would tentatively explain the unexpected o-grade of such forms by a crossing with the old o-grade participles (cf. OLat. *uoluns ‘willing’ reflected by uoluntās). Such an approach vindicates the ancient theory according to which -andus reflects *-ātan-ó- (< PIE *-eh 2 -t>mṇn-ó-), provided one assumes that a reanalysis of *-ātan-ó- was made as a “suffix” *-tanos following the thematic vowel of the first conjugation, which produced *fer-e-tnó- ‘ferendus’ from thematic *fer-e- ‘to bear’.

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The following study will show that in the Vulgate there are far from few discontinuous orders present without any indication in the Hebrew text. These instances include the following patterns: first many examples whose intermediate area is constituted by particles connecting the sentence. They have already been partly coined in the Septuagint, but also, especially in the case of quoque, formed by Jerome to avoid the simple combination of the original and the Greek version. In cases when other words stand in the intermediate area Jerome, even in poetical texts, finds new ways to emphasize the first element of a hyperbaton. Similarly, he often resorts to this method in original texts.

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The great challenges in the study of Pompeian wall–inscriptions are dealt with. To exemplify the difficulties one encounters studying these documents for linguistic purposes, new readings of some inscriptions are presented and the improved text is commented upon.

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This paper focuses on the uses and forms of the relative pronouns as evidenced from the Latin epigraphy in Lusitania. Inscriptions are considered from the 1st to the 8th century AD, with special attention being paid to the future developments in the Portuguese language. To this purpose, other in- scriptions or documents of a different nature dated to later chronologies are also considered as a point of comparison.

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Jupiter Dolichenus was a Roman god, a so-called ‘Oriental deity’ whose mystery cult gained popularity in the 2nd century AD, reached a peak under the Severi in the early 3rd century AD, and died out shortly after. As for Jupiter Dolichenus, he is sometimes referred to by scholars as ‘Baal of Doliche’ or ‘Dolichenian Baal’.1 The name Baal is derived from the term Ba’al, meaning ‘owner’ or ‘lord’, and the word must have been used as a title for gods in general. Over six hundreds monuments – mainly inscriptions – of the Dolichenian cult have come to light from the Eastern and Western parts of the Empire. The name Jupiter with the epithet Dolichenus – from the original name of Doliche – appears in inscriptions in many incorrect forms including Dolichenius, Dolychenus, Dolochenus, Dolicenus, Dolcenus, Dulcenus, Dolucens.

Which of the above epithets reflects the original Syrian form and tradition? Is it possible that Dulcenus is the original and correct form of the deity’s name, or is it just another vulgar change which appeared separately in time and space? This paper tries to prove the latter with the help of the LLDB. The Dolichenian cult is thought to have first been introduced by Syrian merchants and auxiliary soldiers, including troops from Commagene (the province that includes Doliche). In the light of the names of the priests of Jupiter Dolichenus, Speidel2 states that the Jupiter Dolichenian cult in the army was largely supported by Syrians and other Orientals.

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This paper gives a short review of the research from recent years on texts of Latin curse tablets from Pannonia. In the last decade, four new lead tablets of quite long and well-readable texts came to light in well documented archeaological context in Pannonia. On one hand, these findings have not only doubled the small corpus, but they presented new data from both the field of magic and linguistics. On the other, in connection with the examination of the new pieces, the reconsideration of earlier ones could not be delayed any longer.

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The Regula monachorum (c. 615–619) of Isidore of Seville (c. 560–636) is certainly the most relevant among his monastic writings, but these constitute only a small part of his literary production. Written sermone plebeio uel rustico (cf. Prol.), and intended for a coenobium Honorianense of which nothing further is known, it was circulated widely especially in the Iberian Peninsula. As with other works of the same genre, the Regula Isidori denotes an eclectic attitude in its choice and use of sources, not without traits of originality. The almost three-century-old technical terminology of western monasticism is not only mastered thoroughly, but also significantly enriched by Isidore. Within this context, the present contribution focuses on the analysis of terms used in reference to prayer and liturgical celebrations, and more generally to the rites and rituals of the community to which the text was originally addressed. The terms examined sometimes appear to be neologisms with respect to classical Latin, but more often as graphic variants or semantic innovations of particular interest.

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This paper investigates some features of the technical legal terms in Leges Langobardorum. Rothair’s Edict was the first written codification of the Lombard customary law. The passage into writing, the writers’ choice of Latin and the use of Roman law texts as sources and models play an important role in determining the features of their legal vocabulary. Within this perspective, the specialized lexemes of Lombard Laws, the use of terms in ordinary and technical meanings and the polysemy and monoreferentiality of legal terminology are discussed.

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Egeria, a 4th century pious woman from the south of present-day Spain, retold, after visiting Palestine with the Bible in hand, her observations to her sisters. If the linguistic aspects of her letters are quite well-known, much less is known about its stylistic value, inappropriately called “simple”.

What seems to be boringly the same again and again, is in fact a constantly renewed and perfectly mastered “variation on a theme”, just as in a well-composed piece of music. Her apparent objectivity is indeed a wish to focus on what she considers the most important, namely to tell her community, as closely to reality as possible, what she observed during her pilgrimage. However, Egeria’s latin is also a testimony of the christian lexicon in construction and of the social changes that were in progress by that time.

Linguistics and stylistics work together here, the choice of a word or a grammatical formula reveals hidden information about the proper style of an author who, despite her supposed objectivity, had real personal purposes.

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The current paper investigates the three-dimensional meaning potential of the Late Latin narrative tenses. The grammatical categories ‘tense’ and ‘aspect’ are hypothesized to express meaning on the three metafunctional levels posited by Systemic Functional Linguistics. Combinations of their ideational and textual dimensions can be used to classify the various ‘traditional labels’ proposed in the literature on the Latin tenses. Interpersonal meaning, however, gives rise to an extra possibility to account for tense usage by referring to a number of perspectives from which the author invites his audience to experience the narrated events. An author like Gregory of Tours may avail himself of these perspectives to influence his audience in taking a stance on the events. The ultimate tense selection depends on a hierarchy of metafunctional considerations the author may have. The current paper also briefly discusses some of the morphological developments reported in the literature on the Latin tense system.

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The present paper is a study of the rendering of Latin in Scandinavian runic inscriptions. The analysis focuses on a small corpus of thirteen inscriptions from the whole of Scandinavia and its periph- eral settlements. The investigated phenomena are: 1) Lat. /e/ in stressed and unstressed position; 2) Lat. /d/ and /t/ in initial, intervocalic and final position; 3) Lat. /t/ + /j/ /_V; 4) Lat. /b/, /p/ and /v/ in initial and intervocalic position. From the analysis of the data it can be observed that the runic rendering of Latin can either adhere to its written model or mirror the actual pronunciation of Medieval Latin in Scandinavia.

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Ausonius' poetry is marked by a great deal of formal research, which takes five main aspects: metrical virtuosity, Latin-Greek bilingualism, centon, games on words, lexical elaboration. It is this last point that will hold our attention here. If the language of Ausonius is generally consistent with the classi- cal standards from the point of view of the syntax, it is not exactly the same for the lexicon. Ausonius sometimes uses late words and/or is influenced by the vulgar language. This characteristic of his language has been little studied and we must often resort to the old thesis of A. Delachaux. In this paper, we will review these late and/or vulgar words, to try to draw up a typology. We will then examine the sty- listic use that Ausonius makes of them, because, as a refined poet, he never chooses his words randomly. We will finally see if it is possible to infer some more general conclusions about the linguistic situation in Aquitania in the fourth century.

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The africitas theory, for which Einar Löfstedt wrote in 1959 that: “it constituted only merely a historical significance”, nevertheless enjoys currently a militant resurgence, in particular clarified from a rereading of Apuleius.

Our communication aims to achieve two objectives: 1) To attempt, with the insight of over a century, an update, taking into account the scientific, historical, linguistic achievement involved in the establishment of this theory: nature of the corpus; research methods; regional diversification of Latin; linguistic state of roman Africa; sermo cotidianus and cultural languages; ideological presuppositions. 2) To evaluate the theoretical and methodological relevance of the theses supported by the contemporary supporters of a revivified africitas.

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St. Augustine as a preacher used a language close to his multi-ethnic North-African audience who were often poorly educated in Latin, if not illiterate. So when explaining difficult biblical passages translated from Greek into Latin, he had to search for appropriate expressions which, in many cases, were not conform with standard Latin taught at schools. Therefore, this paper focuses on some aspects of Late Latin present in old Latin translations of Scriptures and explained by Augustine in his exegetical homilies, mainly in his Commentaries on the Psalms, paying particular attention to his interpretation of verba dubitationis (especially forsitan) as reflected in his Enarratio in Psalmum 123. 8, Tractatus in Iohannis Evangelium 37. 3–5, and other related passages.

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Close appositions are binominal constructions in which the two nouns are combined and denote a single entity. Throughout the history of Latin, syntactic and morphological variation in appositions point to a gradient from juxtapositional structures, where the two members are semantically and syntacti- cally on a par, to hierarchical structures, where the two members build various semantic and syntactic relations, yielding multiple and context-dependent interpretations. As it will be shown, the gradient-based model proposed in this paper captures variation and change in close appositions more adequately than approaches attributing an invariant internal structure to these constructions.

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Support verb constructions are documented throughout the history of Latin. These syntagms are characterized by the presence of a support verb with a more or less reduced semantic force, and a predicative (abstract or verbal) noun that often constitutes its direct object. The present contribution deals, specifically, with the use of facio as a support verb (as in bellum facere, iter facere, insidias facere etc.), focussing on the post-classical and late period. Two main questions shall be discussed: (a) whether, and if so, how facio becomes more productive in later centuries in both non-Christian and Christian sources; (b) what type of semantic evolution the verb undergoes in later Latin and whether, in this respect, continuity or rupture should be assumed with regard to the earlier period. This last point will enable us to suggest a more convincing explanation of an often-quoted passage of Cicero (Phil. 3. 22), in which the expression contumeliam facere is found.

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At the beginning of my paper I have explained why I could not use the new finds of the Vindolanda Tablets. In this regard I quoted the letter I sent to Professor Bowman and the kind answer he gave me. Then I took into account three elements of the Vindolanda Tablets until now published that deserve attention, namely (1) the conflation of second and third conjugation of Latin verb, which is considered a feature of Vulgar Latin, (2) the presence of official language in distinguishing the familiar puer from the formal servus to mention a slave, and (3) the use of rogo (or similar verbs) + ut or the simple subjunctive. In all these cases the presumption of Vulgar Latin in Vindolanda tablets must be reduced. As to the first I actually challenged in some cases the supposed conflation of second and third conjugation. I demonstrated that the expression qui debunt (instead of debent) must be read qui debent, because the letter V of debunt is a false reading for E written in the cursive form employed not only in Vindolanda tablets but also in a letter sent by Cl. Terentianus to his father, Cl. Tiberianus, in P. Mich. VIII 468. 40. The closing greetings Valu fratur (Vindolanda Tablet 301 Plate XXIII), which of course must be read Vale frater is a proof that in the cursive formula of final greetings, written in a kind of currente calamo, a cursive script was employed and the conflation of second and third conjugation must be reduced in some cases to a cursive (and regular) script. Also as to the difference between puer and servus, and rogo + subj. (with ut or without ut) the Vindolanda’s Latin was not so vulgar as could be supposed if we consider Octavius’ and Chrautius’ Latinitas. In particular the construction of rogo + subj. (with ut or withour ut) was object of study because Latin speaker showed a great attention in choosing one or the other construction as happened in a couple of letters sent by Brutus and Cassius to Mark Antony. Maybe this depended upon the action of military scribes, as Adams right supposed. On the other hand, if we consider the role played by Brittain Latin in the Carolingian Renaissance, every defence of correct Latin in this region requires a larger investigation. Therefore the use of the new Vindolanda Letters should have a great weight.

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“There are 150 words in Catullus which occur once only in his writings, and of these more than 70 per cent are rare in the whole of Latin literature, and more than 90 per cent do not occur in Vergil at all” – writes J. Whatmough in his work Poetic, Scientific, and other Forms of Discourse, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1956, 41. It is necessary to distinguish between genuine and apparent once-words. The true once-word is a coinage that never recurs; the number of the true once-words is exceedingly small. Catullus’ once-words were well known, but not in writing. Theoretically one would expect such words to be polysyllabic; so are the comic jawbreakers of Aristophanes which fit the pattern of his verse so well. The hapax legomena of Catullus are not genuine once-words of the spoken language, but they are vulgar and in some contexte obscene. We can, therefore, regard them as taboo words. They occur sometimes in similes; cf. Poems 17, 23, 25, 97. In my paper I would like to analyse some vulgar hapax legomena of Catullus.

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The paper deals with the derivational category of ‘action nouns’ both as a subject of general linguistics and as a problem of Indo-European morphology (primarily in the diachrony of Latin but also from the perspective of comparative philology). First of all, I elucidate the concepts used in the analysis of verbal abstracts – above all their well renowned definition by Walter Porzig as “Namen für Satzinhalte”. Subsequently, I interpret some passages occurring in comedies of Plautus and epigraphic documents of Old Latin illustrating the diachronic developments by accounting for some construction patterns under consideration of their ‘suprasyntactic’ aspects. In the paragraphs following, I discuss a variety of IE actional types (including the genesis of infinitives), also taking care of some significant relics of verbal constructions in Ancient Greek.

The implication scale of increasing ‘concretization’, which I proposed and utilized in my studies so far, exhibits a development from action via the steps: result, instrument, location leading to (collective) agents. This thesis may also be corroborated by a number of Latin testimonies.

According to my concept of correlation between frequency of nomina actionis and nomina acti on the one hand and the corresponding text type on the other, I present a number of examples taken from the authors Vitruvius, Frontinus, Petronius, Juvenalis, Justinus and Dares Phrygius. I describe and interpret them by means of qualitative criteria and quantitative parameters such as occurrence, semantic profile and competition in relation to alternative derivational types that employ cognate stems and affixes.

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According to the communis opinio, Lat. leuga was a Gaulish loanword, survived in the Romance languages and was borrowed into Old English. However, this scenario faces three unsolved problems: the non–Celtic diphthong –eu–, the Proto–Romance form *legua and the fact that the Old English word cannot continue the Latin form on phonological grounds. This paper argues that all these problems can regularly be solved by the reconstructed West Germanic and Gothic cognates of the Old English word borrowed into Gaulish and early Romance dialects, respectively.

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This paper aims to advance a comprehensive theory of binding, which can account for all binding patterns found in Polish, some of which are particularly puzzling for traditional and novel formulations of Binding Theory. Namely, Polish reflexive pronouns/possessives are typically (nominative) subject oriented but they can also have dative Object Experiencers, OEs, as antecedents. Yet, OEs are also appropriate local antecedents for pronominal possessives. Our analysis explains the complementarity of pronouns and reflexives and lack thereof by assuming that the Spell-out form of the reflexive/pronoun is determined by its covert movement, while a binding dependency is established via Agree for [var(iable):_] feature.

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This paper sheds light on the treatment of initial gemination in Qassimi Arabic (QA), a Najdi dialect spoken in the Al-Qassim region in central Saudi Arabia, within the framework of Parallelism, an Optimality Theory (OT) model. The study concludes that initial geminates, which are non-actual surface forms in QA, result from the assimilation of the prefix /t-/ to stem-initial consonants of Arabic verb forms II and III, as well as hollow verbs, to avoid violation of the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP). On the other hand, initial semisyllables, as moraic consonants, originate from initial gemination and consequently motivate prosthesis; that is, the purpose of prosthesis is to affiliate a semisyllable to the syllable node without causing violation of the Strict Layer Hypothesis (SLH). Sequences of assimilation of prefix /t-/ plus prosthesis do not occur simultaneously, whereas regressive assimilation feeds the prosthetic vowel [i], which, in turn, feeds the prosthetic glottal stop [ʔ] to concur with the Onset Principle. These sequences thus indicate transparent rule interactions, that is, feeding. Parallel OT is then successfully utilized to account for this type of phonological derivation.

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This paper discusses two Hungarian verbal particles that belong to the semantic group of repetitive elements. The main focus is on the verbal particle újra ‘again’, which has primarily been discussed as an adverb with repetitive and restitutive meanings (with the exception of Csirmaz 2015) but can be a verbal particle, which is distinct both from the adverb and from most other verbal particles. The verbal particle vissza ‘back’, which expresses counterdirectionality will be claimed to be like typical, primarily directional verbal particles and to be a part of the result component of the argument structure. Újra ‘again’ as a verbal particle is analyzed on a par with some non-directional particles and idiomatic resultative phrases that are inserted into the structure in a functional projection below the external argument.

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