Abstract
In his paper the author deals with the antique sources concerning the Boii in the Carpathian Basin before the Roman conquest. Strabo as the most important source on the history of the Boii does not confirm the total extinction of the tribe either. It seems that their territory north of the Danube was evacuated under Augustus, probably 6 AD (latest 19 AD). Boiohaemum was only a part of the Boian territory occupied later by the Marcomanni.
Bonae memoriae
Miklós Szabó
professoris optimi
I have been dealing with the written sources of Roman Pannonia in the series Fontes Pannoniae Antiquae for more than twenty years. Naturally, in the first volume containing the sources of the Roman occupation I had to study the question of the history of the native population including the Boii as well.1 Earlier, I studied the survival of the Boius tribe in the Roman period,2 now, I intend to deal with their history before the Roman conquest.
The leading role of the Celtic Boii in Pannonia and the Carpathian Basin before the Roman occupation is well known, as is the fact that their hegemony ceased after the defeat inflicted by the Dacians (Fig. 1).3 However, we also know that despite this defeat, the Boii lived to see the Roman conquest and that the Romans organised a civitas, a tribal administrative unit in their land, which was initially placed under military administration until the early Flavian period,4 while later, but still in the first century, they were governed by their Romanised elite, the principes who had been granted Roman citizenship.5 Members of the civitas erected several gravestones, whose inscription specified the origin of the deceased as Boius.6 These inscriptions all date from before Hadrian's reign. In the wake of András Mócsy's studies, the general scholarly consensus regarding the Boii is that the territorium of several new Roman towns such as Savaria, Scarbantia, Carnuntum, Mursella and Vindobona was carved out from the territory of the former tribal civitas, and that the earlier civitas ceased to exist in the 2nd century7 The latest inscription that mentions a soldier (an eques singularis in Rome) with the expression natione Boius can be dated to Septimius Severus' reign.8 In this study, I intend to examine the story of the Boii in the period just before the Roman conquest based on Strabo's account in the point of view of the Classical Philology. The following problems must be considered: 1) What the deserta Boiorum were? 2) What happened to the Boii after the Dacian victory? 3) How and when the Boii left Boiohaemum (whatever it was) and moved south of the Danube? 4) When the Romans occupied and annexed their territory? Questions 1–2 and 3–4 can be dealt together.
The native tribes of Pannonia (after Mócsy 1974)
1. kép. Pannonia bennszülött törzsei (Mócsy 1974 nyomán)
Citation: Archaeologiai Értesítő 2025; 10.1556/0208.2025.00092
Strabo described Illyricum in Book VII in West–East direction but he referred to the peoples of the region several times in Books IV–V dealing with the Alpine region, Italy and Gallia Cisalpina too. First, he mentioned the Boii in IV.6.8 where he described the Helvetii and the Vindelici and he added that they are neighbours with the plainland (πεδίοv) of the Boii. Here, Strabo also mentioned the incursions of the Vindelici and the Norici into the territory of their neighbours including the Boii.9 In Book V (V.1.6, 10), he dealt with the Boii of Gallia Cisalpina. Here, he mentioned alone how the Romans expelled the Boii from Italy in 190 BC and he identified the Italian Boii with the Danubian ones.10 He also added their late history for the first time: the Dacian victory and their territory became a μηλόβοτον. Most of Strabo's data on the Boii can be found in Book VII. First, he mentioned the Hercynia silva and Boiohaemum (Buiaimon) in connection with Maroboduus and the Marcomanni (VII.1.3) who arrived to their new home after 9 BC.11 In this passage it is at least disputed that the part mentioning the Quadi is interpolated (added by the author?) or not.12 It is noteworthy that Strabo did not link Boiohaemum to the Boii (Table 1). On the other hand, in the following description of the Hercynia silva citing Posidonius he mentioned that the Boii inhabited here earlier (πρότερον) and they repelled the incursion of the Cimbri.13 It is a disputed question whether the adverb πρότερον was added by Strabo, or it belonged to Posidonius as it was supposed by G. Dobesch.14 In the description of the Hercynian forest Strabo described again the territory of the Raeti, Helvetii and Vindelici (VII.1.5). Unfortunately, the passage is corrupted, there is a lacuna (probably with the Norici) but the text continues with the mention of the Βοίων ἐρημία that reaches the land of the Pannonii.15 In VII.3.2, the geographer mentioned that even the Celtic tribes including the Boii mixed with the Dacians.16 The Scordisci as Strabo emphasized later (VII.5.2) lived under Dacian rule were earlier intermingled with the Illyrian and Thracian population.17 The Taurisci can be identified with those ones who lived beyond the Danube under Dacian rule.18 In connection with the Boii, this is the only written source that refers to a mixed population, most probably those tribes who remained under Dacian rule in Eastern Slovakia19 as for instance the Cotini (cf. their Dacian cognomina (e.g. Dalutius, Deazinus, Dolea, Potazis) even in the middle of the 3rd century — see below). In all other passages Strabo dealt with Burebista's victory over the Boian–Tauriscan alliance (VII.3.11, 5.2, 6) in connection of the description of Dacia and Illyricum. Describing the rise of Burebista's power within a few years (ὀλίγων ἐτῶν) Strabo also mentioned (VII.3.11) how he defeated the neighbouring peoples and totally (ἄρδην) destroyed the Boii and the Taurisci under rule of Critasirus (VII.5.2 and in a coin legend attested too20).21 In VII.5.2, he repeated again the extinction of the Boii but he added more details. He mentioned King Critasirus's name again and the casus belli, the disputed area (φάσκοντες εἶναι τὴν χώραν σφετέραν) beyond the river Parisus (in the point of view of the Dacians, i.e. the Hungarian Plain and the area North of it (treated as part of Illyricum: μέρος μὲν δή τι τῆς χώρας ταύτης (sc. Illyrici)).22 The river name Parisus is obviously corrupted and neither of the two possible emendations Marisus or Pathisus can be excluded but the latter one is more probable because it seems the Tisza was the border river of the Boian and Dacian sphere of interest (καίπερ ποταμοῦ διείργοντος τοῦ Παρίσου). Finally, in VII.5.6 Strabo repeated the extinction of the Boii and the Scordisci but he also added τελέως ἐταπεινώθησαν καὶ ἐξέλιπον, i.e. they totally reduced/humbled (ταπεινόω23) and/or extincted.
The Boii mentioned in Boiohaemum/Hercynia silva
1. táblázat. A boiusok említése Boiohaemum/Hercynia silva-ban
| Author | Hercynia silva | Boiohaemum | Boii |
| Caesar, De bello Gallico | + | — | — |
| Strabo/Posidonius | + | — (but cp. VII.1.3 citing Posidonius) | + |
| Velleius | + | + | — |
| Tacitus, Germani | + | + | + |
Based on these passages, one can intend to reply the arisen questions but it is also noteworthy to study Strabo's sources. It is clear that in his Geography, Strabo made use of several sources pre-dating the Roman conquest of Illyricum, such as the earlier Greek periploi on the coastal region and the works of Posidonius, Timagenes or Polybius.24 Strabo added several remarks of his own regarding the political events of his age, especially those of the Augustan period25 and he must have had information on Octavian's campaign26 and on the Pannon–Dalmatian revolt between 6–9 AD too.27 At the same time, it would seem that he deliberately chose not to mention the events of the Roman occupation (but see VII.5.4 on the Iapodes). He prepared his work mainly at the beginning of Tiberius' reign (17–23 AD)28 and he mentions the events of this period as well; such as the one referring to the Taurisci of Noricum as a peaceful and tribute-paying people during the thirty-three years since Tiberius' and Drusus' campaign in 15 BC, meaning that this passage was written in 18 AD: IV.6.9 or he mentioned Germanicus' triumph in May 26, 17 AD: VII.1.4.29 Strabo combined all available pieces of information of different periods in this part of his work too. For instance, he described and listed the Pannon tribes, and their territories based on a source dating from before the division of Illyricum under Augustus because we know that later several (stronger) Pannon tribes such as the Daesidiates, the Mazaei and the Pirustae lived in the province of Dalmatia (cf. Velleius who described the Pirustae and Daesidiates already as Delmatae: II.115.4). Similarly, it seems to be sure that his other data/sources used for Illyricum are mainly Augustan or pre-Augustan: e.g. he enumerated the province among the consular ones (XVII.3.25)30 or Colonia Tergeste is still a κώμη (VII.5.2).
1–2) In connection with emerged questions the first two ones can relatively easily be answered. The expression “solitude of the Boii” appears in Strabo's work for the first time. He used the following terms: ἡ Βοίων ἐρημία (VII.1.5) and τὴν δὲ χώραν οὖσαν τῆς Ἰλλυρίδος μηλόβοτον τοῖς περιοικοῦσι κατέλιπον (V.1.6) in connection with the Dacian victory over the Boii. Strabo refers to the territory of the Boii and Helvetians also as ped…on (IV.6.8). The former is clearly the Greek equivalent of Pliny's deserta Boiorum31 and has nothing to do with the destruction of the Boii, which was a well-known topos, frequently adopted from Herodotus; it refers to the plainland area where the Boii lived, similarly to the land inhabited by the Scythae32 and the Getae.33 However, the case of the Getae and the Helvetians clearly indicates that the regions in question were not necessarily a plainland. The expression used by Strabo is μηλόβοτος, meaning “pasture”, i.e. unploughed land, as shown by the word's precise definition (Suda M 931): Mηλόβοτος χώρα ύπὸ τὸ πολεμίωv ἐξερημωϑεῖσα, i.e. a destroyed land, a synonym of ἐρημία. In view of these terms, the total destruction of the Boii cannot be confirmed. In my opinion, another remark by Strabo is far more important regarding the land of the Boii: χώρα οὖσα τῆς Ἰλλυρίδος,34 implying that the land of the Boii had already been part of Illyricum. Unfortunately, this Illyricum cannot be identified with the later province of Illyricum.35 Strabo's description of this region36 clearly shows that his Illyricum can be identified with the Roman term of Illyricum as it was called by Appian: Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ καὶ τούσδε καὶ Παίονας ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς καὶ Ῥαιτοὺς καὶ Νωρικοὺς καὶ Μυσοὺς τοὺς ἐν Εὐρώτῃ, καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα ὅμορα τούτοις ἐν δεξιᾷ τοῦ Ἴστρου καταπλέοντι ᾤκηται, διαιροῦσι μὲν ὁμοίως τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἀπὸ Ἑλλήνων, καὶ καλοῦσι τοῖς ἰδίοις ἑκάστους ὀνόμασι, κοινῇ δὲ πάντας Ἰλλυρίδα ἡγοῦνται.37 Appian was not aware of the date and origin of this term, but he correctly identified the area with that of the Publicum portorium Illyrici:38 ὅθεν μὲν ἀρξάμενοι τῆσδε τῆς δόξης, οὐκ ἔσχον εὑρεῖν, χρώμενοι δ᾽ αὐτῇ καὶ νῦν, ὅπου καὶ τὸ τέλος τῶνδε τῶν ἐθνῶν, ἀπὸ ἀνίσχοντος Ἴστρου μέχρι τῆς Ποντικῆς θαλάσσης, ὑφ᾽ ἓν ἐκμισθοῦσι καὶ Ἰλλυρικὸν τέλος προσαγορεύουσιν.39 Later, in his Illyrica, Appian again mentioned the term in the same sense: λοιποὶ δ᾽ εἰσὶ τῆς ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων νομιζομένης Ἰλλυρίδος εἶναι πρὸ μὲν Παιόνων Ῥαιτοὶ καὶ Νωρικοί, μετὰ Παίονας δὲ Μυσοὶ ἕως ἐπὶ τὸν Εὔξεινον Πόντον.40 Strabo's passage can be of help in dating the Portorium. In Book VII, Strabo describes the regions of Illyris along the Danube proceeding from west to east, beginning with the land of the Raetians, the Vindelici and the Norici (that were already described): λέγωμεν δὴ τὰ Ἰλλυρικὰ πρῶτα συνάπτοντα τῷ τε Ἴστρῳ καὶ ταῖς Ἄλπεσιν, αἳ κεῖνται μεταξὺ τῆς Ἰταλίας καὶ τῆς Γερμανίας, ἀρξάμεναι ἀπὸ τῆς λίμνης τῆς κατὰ τοὺς Ὀυινδολικοὺς καὶ Ῥαιτοὺς καὶ Ἑλουηττίους.41 This passage suggests that the Roman administrative term Illyricum had been in use already by the beginning of Tiberius' reign (before Strabo's death in 23 AD). Appian was probably correct in linking it to the birth of the Publicum portorium Illyrici (before Claudius' reign). Based on this, the Roman occupation of the entire region (including the Hungarian Transdanubia) and the creation of the Roman provinces of Illyricum can be dated to the beginning of Tiberius' reign latest. As I have noted above, Strabo's description of the “solitude of the Boii” dates from this period. The extent of this eremia has to be revised too. In the quoted passage, Strabo omitted all the Celtic tribes of Transdanubia and of the entire Carpathian Basin with the exception of the Boii, and he places the “solitude of the Boii” between the Norici and Pannonia.42 In IV.6.8, Strabo mentions again the plains of the Boii and Helvetians as bordering on the Raeti and the Vindelici: `Eξῆς δὲ τὰ πρὸς ἕω μέρη τῶν ὀρῶν καὶ τὰ ἐπιστρέφοντα πρὸς νότον Ῥαιτοὶ καὶ Ὀυινδολικοὶ κατέχουσι συνάπτοντες Ἐλουηττίοις καὶ Βοΐοις: ἐπίκεινται γὰρ τοῖς ἐκείνων πεδίοις.43 It would appear that Strabo's eremia refers to the entire expanse of northern Pannonia, which had belonged to the Boii before the Dacian defeat (similarly to the deserta of Pliny). The western boundary of the Boian eremia can be accurately determined: it bordered on the land of the Vindelici and the Raeti, implying that the Boii lived along the Danube in the northern zone of the province of Noricum (cf. e.g. the placename Boiodurum/Boiotro44). It must here be noted that never once does Strabo mention that the land of the Boii extended across the Danube (despite VII.2.2, where he cites Posidonius) and he always describes the river as marking the northern border.45 Pliny the Elder in his Naturalis Historia used the Latin version of the eremia: deserta Boiorum.46 The exact interpretation of Noricis iunguntur is still debated: many scholars regard it as evidence that the deserta and the entire expanse of western Pannonia had originally been part of the Norici, later province Noricum.47 However, what we have here is a simple mistranslation: the text simply means that the deserta neighboured on Noricum.48 On the other hand, Pliny covered Pannonia in the next chapter (III.147) as shown by the introductory adverb inde. The deserta Boiorum and the deserta Sarmatiae (IV.81) were both inhabited regions, not empty wastelands devastated by the enemy. The general Graeco-Roman view of the world was that the lands beyond the oecumene, in this case, the borders of the Roman Empire, were inhospitable and uninhabitable places owing to the cold and drought, explaining why deserta was the word used by Pliny for describing the Sarmatians' land and by Virgil for the Dacians' territory.49 The expression deserta appears once more in the antique sources. Section 18 of the late Roman Dimensuratio provinciarum, probably based deeply on Agrippa's commentary (similarly to Pliny's), mentions the deserta as Pannonia's western boundary, the place in quibus habitabant Boi et Carni. While Carni is a misinterpretation of the Greek variant of Carnuntum,50 the deserta are placed accurately in the geographical sense. All the data I mentioned in the preface of this paper show that the Boii survived the Dacian victory and the Roman occupation. As the Hungarian scholarship clearly pointed out the tribes as the Eravisci, Cotini, Osi living earlier Boian rule only in after the collapse emerged51 and Dacian hegemony but no Dacian population can be pointed out in the Great Hungarian Plain.52 The extinction of the Boii as was emphasized by Strabo several times was also a topos. The late history of the Celtic Cotini clearly shows how this kind of extinctions must be understood.53 In Cassius Dio's account54 the Cotini rebelled in 174 during the Marcomannic wars against the Romans and following a punitive campaign (καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα ἀπώλοντο) with the meaning that they became entirely extinct as a result of this Roman military action. Nevertheless, this should not be taken literally, as, apart from the Cotini who had been settled earlier in Pannonia and mentioned by Ptolemy,55 there is evidence that some of their groups definitely arrived later following Marcus Aurelius' and Commodus' peace treaties in 175 and 180 AD. Their descendants were those praetoriani (and their wives) who were all Roman citizens, M. Aurelii with Dacianised cognomina56 and called themselves cives Cotini on inscriptions erected in Rome during the reign of Severus Alexander and Decius.57 Their hometown was also added: Mursa and Cibalae in Pannonia inferior (that shows the exact place of their resettlement). In sum, the answer for questions 1 and 2 is that the Boii were not extinct and the deserta–eremia of Strabo and Pliny cannot be identified with the territory of the Roman period civitas Boiorum, i.e it was a much larger area inhabited or controlled by the Boii before the Dacian victory.
3–4. Concerning the localization (in Bohemia or Slovakia/NE Austria/NW Hungary) and the exact meaning of Boiohaemum, too many hypothesbes have been arisen.58 In my opinion, the territory of the Boii was where they lived, i. e. in both areas. Another question is whether this territory can be identified with Boiohaemum or not. First, Strabo mentions it as Buiaimon in the Hercynia silva in connection with the territory of Maroboduus and the Marcomanni and he did not link it to the Boii59 (Table 1) who arrived to their new home after Drusus defeated them in 9 BC.60 Based on Velleius' work, Maroboduus' Boiohaemum can easily be localized in connection of Tiberius' unfinished campaign against the Marcomanni (II.109.5): an area in the Hercynia silva (II.108.1, II.109.5) between the Rhine and the Danube (II.109.5) in a distance of five-day-long route from the hiberna of Carnuntum (II.110.1), 200 miles North of Italy (II.109.4), neighboring with Noricum (II.109.3, Tac. Ann. II.63.1).61 Tacitus is the only one who connected the placename to the Boii62 locating it in the eastern part (ulteriora) of the Hercynia silva (Germ. 28.2) and he also adds that the inhabitants changed (mutatis cultoribus: Germ. 28.2) and the Marcomanni were the one who expelled the Boii (pulsis olim Boiis: Germ. 42.1).63 It is also sure that Boiohaemum is a German placename (Boio+Germanic haima64) constructed after the arrival of the Marcomanni to their new home (haima) therefore it cannot be identified with the entire region ruled earlier by the Boii, it was clearly only a part of it where the Marcomanni lived. Based on these, those data must also be considered where the Boii connected to the Hercynia silva. First, Posidonius mentioned the Boii in the Hercynia silva concerning the incursion of the Cimbri65 and it seems highly probably that Strabo added the adverb formerly/πρότερον because he always mentioned the Boii of his own age living in Illyricum south of the Danube (see above). Caesar in his De bello Gallico mentioned several times those Boii who moved to the Helvetii and settled down later in Gaul.66 It is extremely important that in his Hercynia silva-excursus he did not mention the Boii (VI.24–25).67 It cannot be excluded that Caesar used an earlier source68 but it seems to me more probable that he (or a later editor) left out the Boii because in his view they left their home (I.5.4) and only the Volcae Tectosages remained (VI.24.2–3).69 In his account (I.5.4), the Boii lived beyond the Rhine and moved into the territory of the Norici and sieged Noreia. The verbs transire and oppugnare used by the author caused several problems as in the latter case the original version oppugnarant in preterite perfect was emended to oppugnabant in preterite imperfect. Neither of them can be excluded, in the former case it refers that siege was earlier carried out, in the latter they were called by the Helvetians during the siege of Noreia.70 The verb transire in this case simply means to move (and not to cross or invade) as the name of the river (Danube) should have been used as well or consciously left out therefore it cannot be decided where these Boii came from.71 In Caesar's point of view, who stayed in Gaul for years the Boii lived really beyond the Rhine that is why he described them this way. As the governor of Illyricum and ally of the Norican king72 Caesar must have had exact information on the events and the region. It cannot be ruled out that the Boii fled after the Dacian victory73 (dated earlier than generally accepted (the communis opinio now is the 2nd half of 40s74)) but it seems more probable that they came from the north. Unfortunately, Caesar omitted the reason of the Boian migration. On the other hand and despite G. Dobesch’ hypothesis,75 it is sure that in the Hungarian La Tène C–D archaeological sites the arrival of a new population cannot be pointed out.76 The only exception can be the Hercuniates living south of the Eravisci in SE Transdanubia in the Roman period77 whose name most probably is coming from the Hercynia silva but no closer detail is known on date of their arrival.78 If the Boii beyond the Danube left the Hercynia silva the reason of the migration could be the arrival of the first Germans to the Czech Basin as the appearance of Grossromstedter Culture (Stufe RKZ A) was pointed out in the middle of 1st c. BC.79 V. Salač suggested that the mention of the Quadi in Strabo VII.1.3 is not a later interpolation or additamentum auctoris but they were the first Germans who arrived to Boiohaemum and they left as the Marcomanni came.80 This hypothesis could also solve the problem of the arrival of the Quadi to the later kingdom in Western Slovakia. Based on this hypothesis, it seems probably that Boiohaemum was gradually occupied by the Quadi and the Marcomanni (and evacuated) between middle of the 1st c. and 9 BC and the antique sources (Caesar and Tacitus) did not contradict each other.
The last question concerns to the date of the Roman occupation and the evacuation of the Boian territory north of Danube and abandonment of the central oppidum at Bratislava. According to the Strabo's above cited passages, it had to happen before Tiberius' reign as Strabo already knew the term of Roman Illyricum where the Boii lived81 and he treated the Danube as a border river (VII.1.1, 5.1).82 This hypothesis is obviously correct as the regnum Vannianum was founded latest in 19 AD following Drusus' second mission.83 If the territory beyond the Danube was not evacuated earlier it was emptied by Drusus latest. The earliest Roman campaign going through the later NW Pannonia must be the one commanded by L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, described in Dio LV.10a.2, who most probably as the legate of Illyricum between 5–2 BC (ἕως ἔτι τῶν πρὸς τῷ Ἴστρῳ χωρίων ἦρχε) settled the Hermunduri on the territory of Marcomannia in the Czech Basin.84 Similarly to Tiberius, Ahenobarbus had to follow the Amber route that was the shortest one from Illyricum in the direction of the Marcomanni. On the other hand, there is no mention that he would have dealt with the native tribes of northern Pannonia. Probably, he (as he did with several German tribes: Dio LV.10a.2) or earlier Tiberius during the occupation of Pannonia between 12 and 9 BC entered into an alliance with these peoples including the Boii. Ahenobarbus' army could march through this territory based only an existing foedus. On the other hand, he did not spend much time in the territory of the Boii therefore it seems unlikely to link the annexation of the Boii to his person. A highly likely possibility can be Tiberius' campaign against Maroboduus as he built a hiberna of twelve legions85 at Carnuntum,86 therefore he spent more time (based on the winter camp/hiberna) here and he had to deal with the Boii too. The disputed localization of this Carnuntum (it is sure that the hiberna was not placed in the near of the Roman legionary fort87) and the new Roman finds dated to the late Augustan period from Devin have made possible to interpret that Carnuntum was identical with the Boian oppidum at Bratislava (and/or Devin) north of the Danube (“rocky area”88).89 It seems to be plausible that following the revolt in Illyricum when Tiberius concluded a foedus aequum with Maroboduus90 he had to deal with the question of territory north of the river. Based on the archaeological finds and the lack of the sources (that would mention a conflict with the northern Pannonian tribes), it seems that the oppidum was abandoned peacefully.91 The question is when exactly La Tène D2 ends in this region and how the second destruction horizon if the oppidum of Bratislava can be dated.92 The written sources cannot decide problem…
Coming to conclusion, even the most important source on the history of the Boii, Strabo's Geography does not confirm the total extinction of the Boii either. It seems that their territory north of the Danube was evacuated under Augustus, probably 6 AD (latest 19 AD). Boiohaemum was only a part of the Boian territory occupied later by the Marcomanni.
Sources
AÉp: L’Année Épigraphique. Presses Universitaires de France, Paris, 1888–.
CIL: Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, Vols I–XVII. Georg Reimer and De Gruyter, Berlin, 1862–.
ILS: Dessau, H., Inscriptiones Latinae selectae, Vols I–III. Weidmann, Berlin, 1892–1916.
RIU: Mócsy, A. and Barkóczi, L. (Eds.), Die römischen Inschriften Ungarns, Vols I–VI, Akadémiai Kiadó, Budapest, 1972–2001.
RMD: Roxan, M. M., Roman Military Diplomas, Vols I–V, Institute of Classical Studies, London, 1978–.
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For comprehensive overviews, see Alföldi (1942); Mócsy (1962) 528–536; Szabó (1971); Mócsy (1974) 17–19; Mócsy and Fitz (1990) 25–26; Szabó (1992); Anreiter (2001) 150–157; Szabó (2005); Szabó (2015); Karkowski et al. (2015).
Pliny, Naturalis Historia, III.146; Ptol. II.14.2; civitas Boiorum et Azaliorum: CIL IX 5363.
AÉp 1951, 64; RMD 205; Mócsy (1959) 31–36, 46–49; Mócsy (1962) 605; Mócsy (1974) 66, 69, 137; Mócsy and Fitz (1990) 60; Fitz (1993) 118–119.
CIL III 4594 = 11311, 1435923, AÉp 1992, 1396.
Mócsy (1959) 36–39, 43–53; Mócsy (1962) 596–601; Mócsy and Fitz (1990) 61–62; but see now Kovács (2015).
CIL VI = ILS 2210; Kovács (2015). On the epigraphic material see Hainzmann (2015) 103–113; Grbić (2014) 276–285.
Heavily disputed in modern scholarship but see Polybius, II.35.4; Livius, XXXVII.2.2, where the historian used the expression ex agro deducere (Pliny, Naturalis Historia, III.116). Lasserre (1967) 196; Radt (2007) 9. See now David (2015) 323–354. For the Boii in Italy see Plautus, Captivi, 888; Cato, Oratio, II.13; Polybius, II.17.7, 20.1, 3, 21.5, 9, 22.2, 23.2, 24.8, 27.4, 7, 30.6, 31.4, 9, 35.4, III.40.3, 10, 12–14, 56.6, Liv. V.35, XXI.25, 29, 52, XXIII.24, XXVII.21, XXX.19, XXXI.2.10, XXXII.29–31, XXXIII.22, 23, 36–37, 43, XXXIV.22, 42, 46, 48, 56, XXXV.4, 5, 6, 12, 22, 41, XXXVI.36–40, XXXVII.2, 47, 57, XXXVIII.42, 55; Strabo IV.4.1, V.1.6, 10; Fest. Ep., 36; Pliny, Naturalis Historia, III.116, 125; Appianus, Gallica, IV.1.3; Frontinus, Strategemata, I.2.7, Festus, 36.10 (Boicus ager). See also Tomaschitz (2002).
VII.2.2 = Frag. 31; Baladié (1989) 74, note 3; Radt (2007) 242–243, 245; Theuler (1982) 55–57, Frag. 44 I; Kidd (1999) 342–344, F 272.
See also VII.3.11, 5.11–12; Appian, Illyrica, III.5–6, V.12, 14 (as Illyrians); Florus, I.39; Livy, Periochae, 56, 68, Ammianus Marcellinus, XXVII.4.4; Papazoglu (1978) 271–389; Šašel Kos (2005) 136–154.
Baladié (1989) 14–41. On Strabo see now the comprehensive works of Engels (1999); Dueck (2000); Dueck et al. (2005); Dueck (2017).
E.g. the campaign against the Dacians in Transylvania: VII.3.11, 13.
IV.6.10; cp. the description of Segestica as the base for a campaign against the Dacians, echoing App. Ill., XXII.65; both authors apparently drew from Augustus' autobiography.
Strabo evidently knew about the Daesidiates and their leader, Bato (VII.5.3) and he also describes Siscia and Sirmium as a φρούριον: VII.5.2. E.g. Radt (2007) 242, 289–297 and passim; Marion (2006) 31–38; Dzino (2006) 113–128; Dzino (2008) 173–192; Šašel Kos (2008); Kovács (2014) 15–17; Strobel (2015a, 2015b).
Pliny, Naturalis Historia, III.146.
Hippocrates, De aere, aquis, locis, 18.2.
Strabo, V.1.6.
Cp. Monumentum Ancyranum, 30.2; Suetonius Tranquillus, Tiberius, 16.2: “toto Illyrico, quod inter Italiam regnumque Noricum et Thraciam et Macedoniam interque Danuuium flumen et sinum maris Hadriatici patet, perdomito et in dicionem redacto.”
Strabo, VII.5.1.
Illyrica, VI.15.
Illyrica, VI.16; cp. Cassius Dio, XII.19.8.
Illyrica, XXIX.84.
Illyrica, VII.5.1; cp. VII.1.5.
Illyrica, VII.1.5.
Based on this passage, the possibility of the corruption or Strabo's mistake concerning the eremia of the Boii in VII.1.5 must be rejected. Strabo clearly described the Boian and not the Helvetian eremia: contrast Dietz (2004) 2–4.
Ptolemy, II.12.5; Itinerarium Antonini, 249,5; Tabula Peutingeriana Segmentum, III.4; Notitia Dignitatum, Pars Occidentis, XXXIV,44; Eugippius, Vita Severini 22, 36; CIL III 5121, 5755 = XVII, 4, 105; Moosbauer (2015).
Illyrica, VII.1.1, 5.1.
Pliny, Naturalis Historia, III.146.
Mócsy (1974) 184, note 79; Mócsy and Fitz (1990) 53, note 8; Kovács (2014) 7, 17–21; Kovács (2015).
Vergil, Georgica, III.462: fugit … in deserta Getarum.
Kaρνoύς: Ptolemy, II.14.3, and Theomnestus, Hippiatrica Berolinensia, XXXIV.12.
Almássy (2009) 251–268; contrast: Visy (1970) 5–28; Pliny, Naturalis Historia, IV.80 refers to Dacian hegemony over the Great Hungarian Plain before the arrival of the Sarmatians: Mócsy (1977) 439–446; Kovács (2014) 38–39.
Dio, LXXI.12.3 = Exc. UG 58 (p. 408).
Ptolemy, II.14.2: if the identification Kytnoi = Cotini is correct.
Cp. the tribal name Κοτήνσιοι in Dacia: Ptolemy, III.8.5.
CIL VI 2833+2389+2835 = 32542, 2800+2832+3419 = 32544, 2831+2852 = 32557.
Strabo, VII.1.3.
Cassius Dio, LV.1.2; Seneca, Consolatio ad Liviam, 17, 311; Epitome de Caesaribus, 1.7; Florus, II.30; Orosius, VI.21.15. On the arrival of Marcomanni see the contributions in: Salač and Bemmann (2009).
Tacitus, Germani, 28.2: “Manet adhuc Boihaemi nomen significatque loci veterem memoriam.”
VII.2.2 = Frag. 31.
Caesar, De bello Gallico, I.5.4, 25.6, 28.5, 29.2, VII.9.6, 10.3–4, 17.2–3, 75.3. See also Tacitus, Historiae, II.61; Pliny, Naturalis Historia, IV.107; CIL XIII 570, 615, XIII 6448, 11036, and Pierrevelcin (2015) 411–435.
Pliny, Naturalis Historia III.148; Ptolemy, II.15.2; RIU 1248.
Cp. Strabo, V.1.6 χώρα οὖσα τῆς Ἰλλυρίδος.
Cp. Tacitus, Annales, II.63.6: “ne quietas provincias immixti turbarent, Danuvium ultra inter flumina Marum (Morava) et Cusum (Waag?) locantur, dato rege Vannio gentis Quadorum.” Cp. Pliny, Naturalis Historia, IV.81; Alföldi (1956) 48–53; Mócsy (1977); Nagy (1989) 61–71.
“ὁ γὰρ Δομίτιος πρότερον μέν, ἕως ἔτι τῶν πρὸς τῷ Ἴστρῳ χωρίων ἦρχε, τούς τε Ἑρμουνδούρους ἐκ τῆς οἰκείας οὐκ οἶδ’ ὅπως ἐξαναστάντας καὶ κατὰ ζήτησιν ἑτέρας γῆς πλανωμένους ὑπολαβὼν ἐν μέρει τῆς Μαρκομαννίδος κατῴκισε, καὶ τὸν Ἀλβίαν μηδενός οἱ ἐναντιουμένου διαβὰς φιλίαν τε τοῖς ἐκείνῃ βαρβάροις συνέθετο καὶ βωμὸν ἐπ’ αὐτοῦ τῷ Αὐγούστῳ ἱδρύσατο.” Swan (2004) 122–124; Fitz (1993) 57, Nr. 7; Wolters (1990) 181–186.
Tacitus, Annales, II.46.2.
Tacitus, Annales, II.26.3, 46.2.
Strabón és a boiusok
Egykori egyetemi professzorának, Szabó Miklós emlékének ajánlott tanulmányában a szerző a Kárpát-medencében lakó kelta boiusokra vonatkozó antik forrásokkal foglalkozik, főként Strabón görögül írt földrajzi munkájával, amelyek közvetlenül a római hódítás és Pannonia tartomány megalapítása előtti időszakra vonatkoznak. Munkájában a következő alapkérdésekre keresi a választ:
Hogyan kell a Plinius által említett deserta Boiorum fogalmát értelmeznünk?
Ezzel kapcsolatosan mi történt a boiusokkal a dákoktól elszenvedett vereség után? 3. Hogyan és mikor adták fel a boiusok Boiohaemumot (bárhogyan is értelmezzük a fogalmat), és költöztek a Dunától délre?
Hogyan és mikor foglalták el és annektálták a rómaiak a boiusok területét a későbbi Pannonia római tartomány részeként?
Mint az egyik legfontosabb kortárs forrás, Strabón, aki főként Poseidónios évtizedekkel korábbi munkáját használt fel a térségre vonatkozóan is számos saját korából (Augustus kora, és Tiberius uralkodásának eleje, Kr. u. 23-ban hunyt el). Munkájában számos helyen hivatkozott a boiusokra, adatai egyáltalában nem erősítik meg a boius törzs kiirtására vonatkozó feltételezéseket. Az írott és régészeti adatok alapján leginkább az valószínűsíthető, hogy a boiusok maguk adták fel korábbi, a Dunától északra található területeiket, talán Kr. u. 6 körül, de legkésőbb 19-ig. Strabón leírásában különösen fontos, hogy a szerző a boiusokat mint Illyricum egyik fontos törzsét írja. Ugyancsak különösen fontos, hogy a földrajzi szerző nem tud a kelta törzs Dunától északra található területeiről. Ez az Illyricum azonban nem azonos a későbbi Dalmatiát és Pannoniát is magába foglaló Illyricum római tartománnyal, hanem a helvetusok területétől a Fekete-tengerig tartó Nagy-Illyricum földrajzi egységgel azonos, amely későbbi vámkörzet, a Publicum Portorium Illyrici területével azonos. Strabón korai halála alapján az is bizonyos, hogy a római uralom Dunáig való kiterjesztése, a mai Dunántúl békes annektálása Augustus uralkodása végén, de Kr u. 23-ig bizonyosan megtörtént. A Velleius Paterculus és Tacitus által is említett Boiohaemum csak egy része volt az eredetileg boiusok által lakott területnek, amelyre később a markomannok telepedtek be.
Appendix – The antique sources that mention the Boii in Central Europe
Strabo, Geographica
IV.6.8 ῾Eξῆς δὲ τὰ πρὸς ἕω μέρη τῶν ὀρῶν καὶ τὰ ἐπιστρέφοντα πρὸς νότον Ῥαιτοὶ καὶ Ὀυινδολικοὶ κατέχουσι συνάπτοντες Ἐλουηττίοις καὶ Βοΐοις: ἐπίκεινται γὰρ τοῖς ἐκείνων πεδίοις… οἱ δὲ Ὀυινδολικοὶ καὶ Νωρικοὶ τὴν ἐκτὸς παρώρειαν κατέχουσι τὸ πλέον μετὰ Βρεύνων καὶ Γεναύνων, ἤδη τούτων Ἰλλυριῶν. ἅπαντες δ᾽ οὗτοι καὶ τῆς Ἰταλίας τὰ γειτονεύοντα μέρη κατέτρεχον ἀεὶ καὶ τῆς Ἐλουηττίων καὶ Σηκοανῶν καὶ Βοΐων καὶ Γερμανῶν.
V.1.6 τούτους μὲν οὖν ἐξέφθειραν ὕστερον τελέως Ῥωμαῖοι, τοὺς δὲ Βοΐους ἐξήλασαν ἐκ τῶν τόπων. μεταστάντες δ’ εἰς τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἴστρον τόπους μετὰ Ταυρίσκων ᾤκουν πολεμοῦντες πρὸς Δακούς, ἕως ἀπώλοντο πανεθνεί τὴν δὲ χώραν οὖσαν τῆς Ἰλλυρίδος μηλόβοτον τοῖς περιοικοῦσι κατέλιπον.
VII.1.3 ἐνταῦθα δ’ ἐστὶν ὁ Ἑρκύνιος δρυμὸς καὶ τὰ τῶν Σοήβων ἔθνη, τὰ μὲν οἰκοῦντα ἐντὸς τοῦ δρυμοῦ [interpolation: καθάπερ τὰ τῶν Κο<υ>αδ[ού]ων] ἐν οἷς ἐστι καὶ τὸ Βουίαιμον τὸ τοῦ Μαραβόδου βασίλειον, εἰς ὃν ἐκεῖνος τόπον ἄλλους τε μετανέστησε πλείους καὶ δὴ καὶ τοὺς ὁμοεθνεῖς ἑαυτῷ Μαρκομμάνους.
VII.1.5 προσάπτονται δὲ τῆς λίμνης ἐπ’ ὀλίγον μὲν οἱ Ῥαιτοί, τὸ δὲ πλέον Ἑλουήττιοι καὶ Ὀυινδολικοί … καὶ ἡ Βοίων ἐρημία. μέχρι Παννονίων πάντες, τὸ πλέον δ’ Ἑλουήττιοι καὶ Ὀυινδολικοί, οἰκοῦσιν ὀροπέδια.
VII.2.2 = Posidonius, Frag. 31 φησὶ (sc. Posidonius) δὲ καὶ Βοίους τὸν Ἑρκύνιον δρυμὸν οἰκεῖν πρότερον, τοὺς δὲ Κίμβρους ὁρμήσαντας ἐπὶ τὸν τόπον τοῦτον, ἀποκρουσθέντας ὑπὸ τῶν Βοίων ἐπὶ τὸν Ἴστρον καὶ τοὺς Σκορδίσκους Γαλάτας καταβῆναι, εἶτ᾽ ἐπὶ Τευρίστας καὶ Ταυρίσκους, καὶ τούτους Γαλάτας, εἶτ᾽ ἐπὶ Ἑλουηττίους …
VII.3.2 = Posidonius, Frag. 104 καὶ γὰρ νῦν ἀναμέμικται ταῦτα τὰ ἔθνη τοῖς Θρᾳξὶ καὶ τὰ Βασταρνικά, μᾶλλον μὲν τοῖς ἐκτὸς Ἴστρου, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς ἐντός. τούτοις δὲ καὶ τὰ Κελτικά, οἵ τε Βόιοι καὶ Σκορδίσκοι καὶ Ταυρίσκοι.
VII.3.11 ὥστ᾽ ὀλίγων ἐτῶν μεγάλην ἀρχὴν κατεστήσατο καὶ τῶν ὁμόρων τοὺς πλείστους ὑπέταξε τοῖς Γέταις: ἤδη δὲ καὶ Ῥωμαίοις φοβερὸς ἦν, διαβαίνων ἀδεῶς τὸν Ἴστρον καὶ τὴν Θρᾴκην λεηλατῶν μέχρι Μακεδονίας καὶ τῆς Ἰλλυρίδος, τούς τε Κελτοὺς τοὺς ἀναμεμιγμένους τοῖς τε Θρᾳξὶ καὶ τοῖς Ἰλλυριοῖς ἐξεπόρθησε, Βοίους δὲ καὶ ἄρδην ἠφάνισε τοὺς ὑπὸ Κριτασίρῳ καὶ Ταυρίσκους.
VII.5.2 Μέρος μὲν δή τι τῆς χώρας ταύτης ἠρήμωσαν οἱ Δακοὶ καταπολεμήσαντες Βοίους καὶ Ταυρίσκους, ἔθνη Κελτικὰ τὰ ὑπὸ Κριτασίρῳ, φάσκοντες εἶναι τὴν χώραν σφετέραν, καίπερ ποταμοῦ διείργοντος τοῦ Παρίσου (sc. Παρθίσου (ed. Casaubonus) or Mαρίσου (ed. Müller)), ῥέοντος ἀπὸ τῶν ὀρῶν ἐπὶ τὸν Ἴστρον κατὰ τοὺς Σκορδίσκους καλουμένους Γαλάτας καὶ γὰρ οὗτοι τοῖς Ἰλλυρικοῖς ἔθνεσι καὶ τοῖς Θρᾳκίοις ἀναμὶξ ᾤκησαν ἀλλ’ ἐκείνους μὲν οἱ Δακοὶ κατέλυσαν, τούτοις δὲ καὶ συμμάχοις ἐχρήσαντο πολλάκις.
VII.5.6 οἱ γὰρ πλεῖστον δυνάμενοι πρότερον τελέως ἐταπεινώθησαν καὶ ἐξέλιπον, Γαλατῶν μὲν Βοῖοι καὶ Σκορδίσται …
Caesar, De bello Gallico
I.5.4 Boiosque, qui trans Rhenum incoluerant et in agrum Noricum transierant Noreiamque oppugnarant [em. oppugnabant], receptos ad se socios sibi adsciscunt (sc. Helvetii).
VI.24.2 Itaque ea quae fertilissima Germaniae sunt loca circum Hercyniam silvam, quam Eratostheni et quibusdam Graecis fama notam esse video, quam illi Orcyniam appellant, Volcae Tectosages occupaverunt atque ibi consederunt; 3 quae gens ad hoc tempus his sedibus sese continet summamque habet iustitiae et bellicae laudis opinionem. … 25.2 Oritur (sc. Hercynia silva) ab Helvetiorum et Nemetum et Rauracorum finibus rectaque fluminis Danubi regione pertinet ad fines Dacorum et Anartium; 3 hinc se flectit sinistrorsus diversis ab flumine regionibus multarumque gentium fines propter magnitudinem adtingit …
Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae
II.108.1 Nihil erat iam in Germania, quod vinci posset, praeter gentem Marcomannorum, quae Maroboduo duce excita sedibus suis atque in interiora refugiens incinctos Hercynia silva campos incolebat.
II.109.3. eratque etiam eo timendus, quod cum Germaniam ad laevam et in fronte, Pannoniam ad dextram, a tergo sedium suarum haberet Noricos, tamquam in omnes semper venturus ab omnibus timebatur. … 5 Sentio Saturnino mandatum, ut per Cattos excisis continentibus Hercyniae silvis legiones Boiohaemum (id regioni, quam incolebat Maroboduus, nomen est) duceret, ipse a Carnunto, qui locus Norici regni proximus ab hac parte erat, exercitum, qui in Illyrico merebat, ducere in Marcomannos orsus est.
110.1 Rumpit interdum, interdum moratur proposita hominum fortuna. Praeparaverat iam hiberna Caesar ad Danubium admotoque exercitu non plus quam quinque dierum iter a primis hostium aberat, 2 legionesque quas Saturninum admovere placuerat, paene aequali divisae intervallo ab hoste intra paucos dies in praedicto loco cum Caesare se iuncturae erant …
Pliny, Naturalis historia
III.146 Noricis iunguntur lacus Pelso, deserta Boiorum, iam tamen colonia Divi Claudi Savaria et oppido Scarabantia Iulia habitantur.
IV.80 superiora autem inter Danuvium et H<e>rcynium saltum usque ad Pannonica hiberna Carnunti Germanorumque ibi confinium, campos et plana Iazyges Sarmatae, montes vero et saltus pulsi ab iis Daci ad Pathissum amnem 81 a Maro, sive Duria est a Suebis regnoque Vanniano dirimens eos, aversa Basternae tenent aliique Germani.
Dimensuratio provinciarum
18 ab occidente desertis (sc. finitur), in quibus habitabant Boi et Carni.
Tacitus, Germania
28.2 Igitur inter Hercyniam silvam Rhenumque et Moenum amnes Helvetii, ulteriora Boii, Gallica utraque gens, tenuere. Manet adhuc Boihaemi nomen significatque loci veterem memoriam quamvis mutatis cultoribus.
42.1 Praecipua Marcomanorum gloria viresque, atque ipsa etiam sedes pulsis olim Boiis virtute parta. Nec Naristi Quadive degenerant. Eaque Germaniae velut frons est, quatenus Danuvio peragitur.
Ptolemy, Geographica
II.14.2 Κατέχουσι δὲ τὴν ἐπαρχίαν ἐv μὲv τοῖς πρὸς ἄρκτους μέρεσιv Ἄζαλοι μὲv δυσμικὡτεροι, Κύτνοι δ' ἀvατολικὡτεροι, ἐv δὲ τοῖς μεσημβριvοῖς Λατόβικοι μὲv ύπὸ τὸ Νώρικον, Οὐαρκιανοὶ δὲ τὰ πρὸς ἀvατολὰς, ἐv δὲ τοῖς μεταξὺ Βόιοι μὲv πρὸς δυσμὰς καὶ ὑπ' αὐτοὺς Κολαιτινοὶ …
