Abstract
In 1967, Ernő Tárkány Szücs published his article summarizing the results and tasks of European legal ethnography in the columns of Ethnologica Europeana in Paris (under the title Results and Task of Legal Ethnology in Europe). With this, he revived an important tradition of Hungarian legal ethnography: Károly Tagányi published his summary of international research history in German in 1922 (Lebende Rechtsgewohnheiten und ihre Sammlung in Ungarn. Ungarische Bibliothek. Für das Ungarische Institut an der Universität Berlin. Erste Reihe. Vereinigung wissenschaftlicher Verleger. Berlin und Leipzig). At the time of the publication of Ernő Tárkány Szücs's article, he was working as a ministerial official, but in Hungarian academic life he took a backseat. At the same time, however, he was in constant contact with several European representatives of legal folklore. As soon as he had the opportunity, Tárkány Szücs opened up to international scholarship, and became not only an active participant but also a prime mover of the international discourse on legal folk custom research. His recognition was indicated by the fact that throughout Europe, not only his studies published in various world languages but also his papers exclusively in Hungarian were often cited. Although the science policy in his country was not able to integrate the specifically interdisciplinary scientific research of Ernő Tárkány Szücs, or only haltingly, his international recognition was unquestionable all along.
The two dates in the title of the article — 1967 and 1994 — are the years of publication of Ernő Tárkány Szücs's article summarizing the results and tasks of European legal ethnography. The first in 1967 in Ethnologica Europeana in Paris (under the title Results and Task of Legal Ethnology in Europe). The second is the republishing of this article, over ten years after the author's death; the more than fifty international studies published in 1994 are the most definitive selection on the topic of folk law to date: Folk Law. Essays in the Theory and Practice of Lex Non Scripta (edited by Alison Dundes Renteln and Alan Dundes). 1967 is therefore the year when the international historical review of research, which had no small role in the fact that Ernő Tárkány Szücs is still respected as a pioneer of European legal ethnography, was presented to a wider professional audience for the first time (Tárkány Szücs 1967, 1976e; Dundes – Dundes Renteln 1994:161).
As a student of legal historian György Bónis, Tárkány Szücs had an international perspective from the start of his career; he looked at similar foreign endeavors as starting points and points of reference in his research. While György Bónis, then in his early twenties, published a review of Riasanovsky's monograph on the customary law of Mongolian tribes in Századok [Centuries], the most well-known Hungarian historical magazine (Bónis 1933), and also in the same place about the legal history works of the two defining personalities of German legal folklore research, Eberhard von Künssberg and Claudius von Schwerin (Bónis 1938a, 1938b), in the early sixties Ernő Tárkány Szücs reported in Ethnographia, the prestigious journal of the Hungarian Ethnographic Society, on H. Spruth's house marks, K. S. Kramer's case studies focusing on legal folklore, and W. Schönfeld's works on cattle branding (Tárkány Szücs 1963a, 1963b, 1965b).
After a successful start, at the end of the 1940s, Ernő Tárkány Szücs's career ended — similarly to his colleagues. After 1948, research in legal folklore had no place in the “system of people's rule” for a long time, because the all-pervading ideology could not avoid jurisprudence either, and the field of law was considered to be of primary importance. On the one hand, with the predominance of the socialist concept of law — which regarded as law only the rules created by the state — the raison d’être of the phenomenon researched as legal folklore was questioned on a principled basis; on the other hand, since research was supported by the previous regime, their fate — and, we might add, that of the researchers as well — was immediately sealed (Bognár 2016). In addition to the fact that researchers of legal folklore generally tried to find loopholes in the ideological critique of legal folklore research and push their subject into a category that was at least tolerated, if not supported, Ernő Tárkány Szücs also had a personal struggle during this period. Back in 1956, he first applied for a regular postgraduate course in legal history.1 In May 1958, his application was considered by the admissions committee for candidates in political and legal sciences, which then took the position that the field researched by the candidate “does not belong to the integral scope of Hungarian legal history and legal sciences.” Imre Szabó believed that Ernő Tárkány Szücs's work in the field of legal folklife was not suitable for awarding a degree; at the same time, he suggested he “deal with a topic closer to legal history, and after certain results achieved in this field, raise the question of postgraduate studies.”2 Tárkány Szücs considered the procedure unfair and tried to convince the decision-makers with various applications that his research topic was “of legal historical significance.” In this years-long “proof process,” foreign examples and international outlooks were of particular importance, as they were meant to prove not only orientation but also the existence of the scientific field. After a rather tortuous process, Tárkány Szücs was able to start his aspirant training six years later, in September 1962; nonetheless, more than twenty years had to pass before he could receive a doctorate.
The question is rightly raised whether socialist law, legal theory and legal philosophy pointing to Marx, and legal folklore study as a research tradition are inherently mutually exclusive, or is a compromise possible where the two are compatible. Examining this question more than thirty years after the change of regime in Hungary, legal philosopher Csaba Varga — who has done much for the integration of the findings of international legal ethnography into Hungarian legal studies — comes to the conclusion that there is no doubt that “socialist law” and “folk law” can coexist. The author asks the question: if legal folklore research is outcast in jurisprudence — „the wisdom of Ubi societas, ibi ius is denied by the class struggle theory of Marxism” — why did it have to be excluded from the field of ethnography at the same time? (Varga 2021:379, 383). Among the former socialist countries, following Bardhoshi, he gives the example of Albania, where legal folklore could also be researched within a socialist state framework (Bardhoshi 2013). According to Tárkány Szücs, the impossibility of Hungarian relations is a kind of overzealousness, “proactivity taking on the form of the Muscovite dictatorship, which (…) wanted to set up its own regime without any history or tradition” (Varga 2021:384). In relation to legal ethnography, Hungarian scientific control was therefore ‘more Catholic than the Pope,’ since even in the Soviet Union this research tradition could continue to live on within the framework of Marxism under the name “normative ethnography,” but only in relation to “Indigenous legal systems” (Stammler et al. 2022).
During his candidate years, in 1965, Tárkány Szücs published his study, divided into two parts, titled A jószágok égetett tulajdonjegyei Magyarországon [Hot Branding Livestock in Hungary] (Tárkány Szücs 1965a). In this article, by analyzing approximately ten thousand livestock brands, he revealed the history and role of livestock branding in Hungary, and separately addressed the brands of the counties and the role of the administration. He also published his research on livestock branding in two papers in German (Tárkány Szücs 1968, 1969). As the first international recognition of his work, in 1964 he was elected a corresponding member of the Zentralstelle für Personen- und Familiengeschichte in Berlin-Dahlen.
Already in this period, Tárkány Szücs maintained active relations with European representatives of legal ethnography. From the end of the fifties, he corresponded with Karl-Sigismund Kramer, a university professor in Munich and from 1966 in Kiel, who was also committed to the research history and methodology of ethnography (1916–1998). Kramer is one of the developers of the historical method (“historisch Methode in der Volkskunde”), an author focusing on the ethnographic use of archival sources (Kramer 1968; Köstlin 2018), who also devoted several studies to the conceptual and methodological foundations of legal ethnography (Kramer 1974, 1997).3 From the correspondence between Tárkány Szücs and Kramer that has been discovered to date,4 it is possible to partially reconstruct how their common scientific interest matured into friendship.
As a first step, Ernő Tárkány Szücs contacted Kramer with the aim of delivering his writings to the author, whom he highly esteemed. Encouraged by Kramer's openness, Tárkány Szücs gives an outline of his difficulties and asks for his help in procuring publications that are inaccessible but important to him. Tárkány Szücs publishes reviews of Kramer's writings and incorporates their findings into his work. However, this effect was not unidirectional. Kramer defines the concept of legal ethnography based on Tárkány Szücs's international outlook in the introduction to his large summary of legal ethnography (Kramer 1974:2).
Also from the beginning of the 1960s, Ernő Tárkány Szücs corresponded with Herbert Spruth (1900–1972), a German lawyer and genealogist, mainly about property brandings (Tárkány Szücs 2021:314–316). In a letter from 1982, Hermann Baltl, Austrian lawyer and legal historian, as head of the Institute of Austrian Legal History at the University of Graz, offered his help to Ernő Tárkány Szücs, who was doing research in Vienna at the time. Louis Carlen, Swiss lawyer and politician, exchanged letters with Ernő Tárkány Szücs in 1982 as a professor of legal history and state church law at the University of Freiburg (Tárkány Szücs 2021:317–320).
Despite his extensive international connections, Tárkány Szücs was pushed out of Hungarian scientific life as a ministerial official and a representative of a sidetracked scientific trend. Thus, in addition to being an overview of the findings and methods of European legal ethnography, the historical summary of research published in the columns of Ethnologica Europeana in 1967, broken down by country, was also intended to be an authentication and justification in the direction of scientific policy (Fekete 2022). However, let us not lose sight of the fact that the real importance of the article comes from the fact that Tárkány Szücs reformulated the tasks of legal ethnography based on the experiences of the previous research and also recorded the most important research-methodological principles. Legal ethnography interpreted the concept of law in an expansive way and perceived it as a social product. He recognized that legal custom is distinguished from other customs by a fiction, namely, the assumption that there are human relationships that are usually reflected in law, or for which law usually prescribes norms. He emphasized that it is not possible to understand the concept of legal customs narrowly, only as rules that are contrary to and independent of state law, “because the source of legal customs recognized by the state is the community that created them” (Tárkány Szücs 1967; Nagy 2003; 2021c). According to Tárkány Szücs, the subject of legal ethnography can be markedly delimited. Jurisprudence deals with the creation and application of state norms, legal sociology deals with their specific role in society, and the research of all of these in a historical context is the task of legal history. “The investigation of human behavior from all other sources, which is recognized and habitually followed by a specific community of society, provided that it falls within the legal field created by the application of fiction, is the task of legal ethnography” (Tárkány Szücs 1976e:100–101). According to the author, legal ethnography must also deal with “legal traditions that still exist in people's legal consciousness, but which are no longer practiced, are no longer facts of life, and appear only in folkloristic products (e.g., fairy tales, songs, tales, myths, etc.),” as well as with the material memories of legal customs and legal traditions. The conceptual and methodological foundation formulated at the time, which still applies today, also greatly contributed to boosting European research. It is therefore no coincidence that Alison Dundes Renteln and Alan Dundes included this study in 1994 in their volume of studies of popular legal folklore worldwide in order to represent European research. Indeed, it is an interesting characteristic of the period that Tárkány Szücs's papers with a European outlook could only be published in the Hungarian language almost a decade later, with the help of Imre Katona, in the journal Létünk [Our Existence] in Novi Sad (1975, 1976), in Yugoslavia, where, following the work of Bogišić, there are cross-system academic traditions of the collection of South Slavic legal customs (pravnih običaji) from the end of the 1800s (Breneselović 2011). With his studies, Ernő Tárkány Szücs progressed step by step over the years and implemented a well-defined program, which gradually brought him first international and then domestic professional recognition. Already a recognized specialist, he joined the Ethnographical Research Group of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences in 1975, where he completed his activities as a scientific researcher.
The Ethnographical Research Group of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences was established on January 1, 1967, after a long preparatory work, primarily with the aim of creating the conditions for the creation of large ethnographic compendiary works. The outstanding undertaking of the research group is the preparation of the new ethnographic synthesis, A magyarság néprajza [The Ethnography of the Hungarians], whose editorial board was established in 1968. Before writing the compendiary volumes, however, the members of the Research Group had to complete a number of tasks. Of these, the preparation of the Magyar néprajzi lexikon [Lexicon of Hungarian Ethnography] undoubtedly stood out. In addition to the staff of the Research Group, nearly a hundred external staff members participated in the works of the Lexicon, including Ernő Tárkány Szücs from the beginning.
Based on Tárkány Szücs's correspondence with the outstanding Hungarian ethnographer of his time, Béla Gunda, it is clear that from the founding of the research group in 1967, not only cooperation as an external collaborator but also the opportunity of a possible employment arose. The letter written by Tárkány Szücs to Gunda in 1967 is also worth quoting at length because it accurately reflects his life situation at the time: the domestic isolation of a researcher on the verge of international fame. „Dear Friend, If you have already inquired about me personally, that is a pleasure to me, and I can tell you the following in response to your kind letter. I do not work in an academic field, quite far from the ranks of ethnography or legal history, but I became a practical lawyer, initially at a company, then in a controlling trade center, and now I head the legal department of the Ministry of Heavy Industry. It provides my livelihood, ensures the existence of my family. Of course, this rather gray official career does not make me forget the initial successes that I once achieved in the field of legal history or ethnography. Not only do I have personal ties to the professional practitioners of these two sciences, but sometimes I also write small and large studies myself, such as on the brandings I sent you. In 1961, I wrote a book of several hundred pages about the 18th-century Vásárhely testaments. I am currently working on a mining law manual. When Géza Csermák visited here a few years ago, he persuaded me to write a comprehensive study on European legal ethnography; I wrote it and it will be published in the 3rd issue of Ethnologia Europaea, of which you are also the editor. Unfortunately, I feel that I am very much chipping away and in this life I will hardly have time to write the work that more fortunate people call a ‘great oeuvre,’ for which I have been stacking the stones for 30 years now, a huge summary of the legal customs of the Hungarian people. Because something always comes up that prevents me from taking out this material, sometimes because of office discipline, sometimes because of a short-lived paper that has been submitted, and slowly I too will have to quote the words of Gyula Juhász: ‘Tűnik-múlik az egy emberöltő s én maradok falusi költő…’ [‘A generation is sinking-disappearing and I still remain a village poet…’] The quote may not be accurate, but it still illustrates the cruel fate. […] Budapest, December 26, 1967”5
Béla Gunda responded with a letter, but at the same time, the employment of Ernő Tárkány Szücs was delayed; he was finally employed full-time starting on January 15, 1975 as a senior research fellow in the Department of Social Anthropology.6 The exact circumstances of the entry are still unclear; however, it is likely that all of this was possible with the support of Kálmán Kulcsár and Gyula Ortutay.7 In any case, there is no doubt that being employed in an academic position was a serious opportunity for Ernő Tárkány Szücs: a chance to concentrate on the realization of the goals he had already set at the start of his career.
Attila Paládi-Kovács, the later director of the Research Group that became an institute, recalls: “In the years between 1975 and 1980, Tárkány Szücs carried out extensive library research work. On a daily basis, with incomparable diligence, he chewed his way through the new specialized books of the many branches of legal history, legal sociology, agrarian history, and ethnography in order to create the database organized by tags, which served as the basis for the monograph published under the title Magyar jogi népszokások [Hungarian Legal Folk Customs]” (Paládi-Kovács 2018:282).
The fulfillment
When Ernő Tárkány Szücs joined the Ethnographical Research Group of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, he was already an internationally recognized researcher of legal ethnography (Katona 1985:379; Bognár 2014, 2021a, 2021b). At the same time, we have to see that after his entry, he undertook many “public tasks” in addition to his own research. He became one of the most active collaborators of the Magyar néprajzi lexikon [Lexicon of Hungarian Ethnography]: he published 15-20 social ethnographic articles per volume, and he got involved in the works of the new A magyarság néprajza [The Ethnography of the Hungarians] (Paládi-Kovács 2003:871). In June 1975, he was elected legal advisor to the Hungarian Ethnographic Society. Between 1976 and 1978, he became the co-editor of Néprajzi Hírek [Ethnographic News], the informative magazine of the Hungarian Ethnographic Society, where he published several short articles and reports on legal folklore research (Tárkány Szücs 1976a, 1976b, 1977a, 1978a, 1978b). In addition to the increased tasks, the change also created for Ernő Tárkány Szücs the opportunity to deal with ethnography full-time, channeling his research topic and findings into the mainstream of ethnographic research.8
Upon his employment, his international involvement also expanded: in 1973, he participated in an international congress in Chicago with two lectures on legal ethnography (Gráfik 2021). In 1975, in Belgium (Liege–Lüttich), he delivered a legal ethnographic lecture on the topic of love and marriage (Tárkány Szücs 1976c). The success of building international relations is shown by the fact that, at the invitation of Ernő Tárkány Szücs, Vulcănescu, an excellent researcher of Romanian legal folk customs, was present at the Finno-Ugric congress in Budapest in 1975 (Paládi-Kovács 2003:872). In December 1978, he took part in the founding of the Commission on Contemporary Folk Law, an international organization bringing together the research of legal folk customs, which was established in connection with G. van den Steenhoven's institute (Institute of Folk Law, Nijmegen, Netherlands), under the auspices of the International Union of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences (IUAES). Between 1973 and 1977, he was a member of the editorial board of the international social ethnographic journal Dialectical Anthropology, and prepared a comprehensive study on European legal customs in the volume Toward a Marxist Anthropology (Hoffmann 1985:323; Tárkány Szücs 1979).
In 1980, he delivered a lecture at the Finno-Ugric Congress in Turku, and in 1981, he participated in a discussion in Moscow on the research of local legal systems, organized by the Social Science Coordination Center in Vienna (Katona 1985:380).
In 1976, he developed the legal customs of fairs for a local publication (Tárkány Szücs 1976d), and he was able to publish his historical overview of the findings and methods of European legal ethnographic research in Hungarian (Tárkány Szücs 1976e). In 1977, he published his summary of European legal customs in English (Tárkány Szücs 1977b).
In parallel with international recognition, his work was also rewarded in Hungary: his masterpiece, a representative monograph on Magyar jogi népszokások [Hungarian Legal Folk Customs], was published in the Társadalomtudományi Könyvtár [Social Sciences Library] series of Gondolat Publishing in 1981, with a laudatory afterword by Kálmán Kulcsár (Tárkány Szücs 1981, 2003).
Hungarian Legal Folk Customs was a great success in professional circles: more than thirty reviews of it were published in domestic and foreign trade journals (Katona 1985:380). The afterlife of this oeuvre was that Tárkány Szücs received a publishing award. The author submitted his book as a candidate's dissertation, and the Scientific Qualification Committee awarded him the degree of “Doctor of History (Ethnography)” on November 30, 1983 through an accelerated procedure.9
Plans, commitments
Imre Katona, as a friend and one of the best connoisseurs of the author's work, wrote that Tárkány Szücs only used a third of the sources he collected in his comprehensive synthesis of the vast material (Katona 1985:327). After the publication of his monograph, he continued the work he had begun: “he collected data on the use of trade marks, the artisans and peasants of market towns in the 17th and 18th centuries in terms of officialization in the 19th century, legal relations between settlements, the legal life of nationalities, and the regulation of funerals; he planned a summary of the legal folk customs of public life, and wanted to go back in time to the time of the conquest, possibly even beyond, as well as collect additional data for his planned monograph on popular public administration” (Katona 1985:380; Paládi-Kovács 2003:873). According to his 1981 worksheet, he was collecting material on the legal folk customs of public life and preparing a manuscript on the topic of brandings and trademarks.10 The 1981 work plan of Tárkány Szücs was grouped around three issues. The first is the development of three themes for A magyarság néprajza [The Ethnography of the Hungarians]. These are: 1. Villages, 2. Relations among villages, 3. Legal folk customs. He also planned a more general international outlook under the title Jogi népszokások kutatása Magyarországon és Közép-Kelet Európában [Research of Legal Folk Customs in Hungary and Central-Eastern Europe], for which he wanted to collect materials during his five-month Austrian scholarship in 1982. The third theme: historical ethnographic research under the comprehensive title A magyar parasztság, kézművesség és mezővárosi polgárság kultúrája a XVII–XVIII. századtól [The Culture of the Hungarian Peasantry, Handicrafts, and the Bourgeoisie of Market Towns in the 17th–18th Centuries]. “Within this framework, the research of serfs' testaments, village laws, guild regulations, mountain community articles as memories of small town and village legal and regulatory literacy.” In 1982, spending five months in Austria, Tárkány Szücs conducted archival research to uncover the historical layers and ethnic characteristics of Hungarian legal folk customs: “I managed to acquire extremely rich comparative Eastern European material during my study trip to Austria, and processing and supplementing them will be the task of the coming period,” he writes in his 1982 individual work report.11
Overall, it can be said that Ernő Tárkány Szücs left a lot of plans and notes in manuscript, which can offer important clues for legal ethnography, their processing — digitization and arrangement in a database as soon as possible — could further enrich the database built by the Tárkány Szücs Ernő Legal Cultural Historical and Legal Ethnographic Research Group over the years. Of these, I would like to highlight the manuscript of Ernő Tárkány Szücs titled Bíráskodás – állami bíróságok nélkül [Administering Justice — without State Courts], dated 1982, found in the Archives of the Institute of Ethnology of the Research Centre for the Humanities, as well as its English version, which can be read in full in this volume.
This article is an important milestone, as it demonstrates, based on a broad international perspective, that even in a field that was monopolized by the state very early on, such as arbitration, legal customs have survived to a great extent; and that legal ethnographic approaches make it possible to arrive at valid conclusions of practical importance through an expert comparison of legal phenomena that are distinct in time and space but have common characteristics. Tárkány Szücs's starting point is that “the state appropriates tasks for itself that citizens and their voluntary associations would be much better able to solve.” As a result, on the basis of the data collected in ethnography, legal anthropology, and legal sociology, it can be established that, in addition to the state courts, the old traditional arbitration forums have also survived in many places. Using Tárkány Szücs's terminology, the author undertakes to present these historical formations, but at the same time excludes from the investigation decision-making forums “that arise because bodies recognized by the state usually exceed their powers, or the public administration and the arbitration court are not separated from each other, and the public administrative bodies perform judicial functions.”12 As an example, the author cites municipal courts operating in the eastern half of Europe until the First World War, which decided all kinds of cases, definitively, without recourse to the second instance, and mentions the accident committees dealing with workers' compensation operating in some European states and the USA. “Moving from the simpler to the more complex, from recognized cultures to subcultures,” it takes into account adjudicating bodies independent of state courts, focusing on who carries out the adjudication, based on what material and procedural rules, what the subject of the case can be, etc. First comes a detailed historical description of the rules of adjudication for the head of the family based on blood ties within the extended family. Tárkány Szücs cites the Japanese family court and the Scandinavian ombudsman system as contemporary examples, where minor children can also address their complaints about their parents. This is followed by the presentation of the institutional system of peace arbitration between clans, which is also based on blood ties (council of clans, court of clans, council of elders). An independent organization with its own powers was also often established to settle disputes within branches of work, among which the arbitration tribunals set up by trade organizations stand out. The ecclesiastical courts also adjudicated independently of the state, and Tárkány Szücs discusses their rules and operational characteristics. A classic theme of legal ethnography is the different forms of adjudication within the place of residence; in this regard, there is talk of public humiliation (e.g., shoutings, charivari, pastillus), folk judgments often associated with physical violence, and also who can be adjudicators, the so-called third parties.
The slowness, high cost, and mistrust of state arbitration led to the creation of the institution of the ombudsman, which operates with different practices in each country, as well as the French justice of the peace system, which is discussed in detail in the paper. The study ends with the presentation of the practice of adjudication forums operated by different subcultures. The court of the wandering gypsies (Romani Kris), the adjudication of partisans during the Second World War, as well as the “arbitration” practices of various criminal organizations within and between organizations are given a place here.
As a final thought, Tárkány Szücs states that “in Europe, disputes between people are still being adjudicated by society — without the use of state courts. This judicial system is kept in operation by the difficulty and cost of the state courts and the lack of trust in them. Its function is threefold: mediation — aiming to create the most optimal agreement between the two disputing parties; representation — representing one of the disputing parties on the principle level of citizen interests before higher administrative bodies and forcing their decision; (…) and ultimately judicial — actually deciding the disputed case”.13
The manuscript reflects a freer choice of subject and approach, which had previously been impossible for a long time due to the questioning of the foundations of legal folklore research.
***
Based on his scholarly work, Ernő Tárkány Szücs “did not remain a village poet;” he became an internationally recognized scholar who made a lasting impact in several scientific fields while working for three decades in a non-scientific position. Even so, his oeuvre is well-rounded, offering stable points of reference and additional tasks for practitioners of European legal ethnography. A job in the Ethnographical Research Group of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences greatly contributed to the completion of Tárkány Szücs's unique “one-person scholarship;” at the same time, ethnography was greatly enriched by channeling his findings and approach into the mainstream of European ethnography. The integration of Tárkány Szücs's oeuvre into Hungarian legal history required a paradigm shift, which only took place in the 2000s (Mezey 2014). Barna Mezey, Teodóra Janka Nagy, and István Kajtár carried out the theoretical and conceptual foundation in several steps (Mezey 2009, 2016, 2021a, 2021b; Nagy 2014, 2018, 2019, 2021a, 2021b, 2021c, 2022). Mária Homoki-Nagy and József Horváth made the testament researches of Tárkány Szücs indispensable for legal historiography (Homoki-Nagy 2018, 2021; Horváth 2011, 2016, 2021). It is even more important that the Tárkány Szücs Ernő Legal Cultural Historical and Legal Ethnographic Research Group was founded on the initiative of the abovelisted Hungarian legal historians; by making Tárkány Szücs's “one-person scholarship” public knowledge, they created a forum for cooperation between scientific fields. Thus, it is no longer the task of a single person, but of a research community of nearly thirty members, to follow in the footsteps of their predecessors — above all Károly Tagányi and Ernő Tárkány Szücs — to enrich European customary law research with their findings.
Acknowledgment
The study was written with the support of the NKFIH FK 19 132220 tender entitled “Károly Tagányi's (1858–1924) programme on collecting living legal customs and the significance of his legacy in the history of science.”
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Ernő Tárkány Szücs postgraduate course in law 3174/7. Archives of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences.
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Letters from Ernő Tárkány Szücs to Béla Gunda. MTA Manuscript Archive Ms 2348/130-140.
Szabina Bognár is a senior research fellow at the Institute of Ethnology, Research Centre for the Humanities. Since 2012, she has been the research center's legal officer. She publishes regularly in the fields of social ethnography, social history, local history, and legal ethnography. Founding member and scientific secretary of the Tárkány Szücs Ernő Legal Cultural Historical and Legal Ethnographic Research Group, established in 2011 (http://jogineprajz.hu). She is part-time assistant professor in the Department of Social Studies, Faculty of Cultural Sciences, Education, and Regional Development at the University of Pécs.
Application request. July 1956. 16. Archives of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (hereinafter: MTA Archives) Ernő Tárkány Szücs postgraduate course in law 3174/7.
Secretary Sándor Kónya's note to Comrade General Secretary Ferenc Erdei. Budapest, September 14, 1961. MTA Archives Ernő Tárkány Szücs postgraduate course in law 3174/7.
In his work, Grundriss einer rechtlichen Volkskunde, published in 1974, Karl-Sigismund Kramer emphasizes that legal ethnography is no longer an auxiliary science of legal history, but an independent science that differs from legal history in its approach and methods; furthermore, that legal ethnography draws much more from sociology than legal history in its methods (Kramer 1974:10–11).
Until the publication of this article, ten letters from the estate of Ernő Tárkány Szücs, three from the pen of Tárkány Szücs, and seven from the pen of Kramer, from the period between 1959 and 1968, were found (Tárkány Szücs 2021:301–313).
Letter from Ernő Tárkány Szücs to Béla Gunda. Dated: Budapest, December 26, 1967. MTA Manuscript Archive Ms 2348/133.
Ernő Tárkány Szücs's personal data sheet. Institute of Ethnology, Research Centre for the Humanities (hereinafter BTK NTI) Archives.
Between 1969 and 1983, Kálmán Kulcsár was the director of the Sociological Research Group (and Institute) of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, and also a university professor at the Department of Legal Sociology of the Faculty of Law at Eötvös Koránd University (1970–1998); Gyula Ortutay was a member of the Presidential Council (1958–1978), president of the Hungarian Ethnographic Society (between 1946–1956 and 1958–1978), and from 1967 until his death in 1978, he was the head of the Ethnographical Research Group of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences.
Along with all this, the remuneration of his work decreases. In a later article, Tárkány Szücs makes an apt statement about the salary conditions of scientific workers: “Those who research do not earn” (Tárkány Szücs 1983).
MTA Archives Ernő Tárkány Szücs (October 13, 1921) 2640/3.
Tárkány Szücs Ernő Ethnographic Research Group, Department of Social Anthropology. Worksheet 1981. BTK NTI Archives Personal material of Ernő Tárkány Szücs.
“In the archives of Kismarton, I spent several days researching the documents of Hungarian villages. During this process, I managed to obtain the following types of documents on microfilm and brought them with me: 32 testaments and marriage contracts from the Alsóőr archive, I collected some marriage contracts, mountain community regulations from the Batthyány archive (Güssing), the manorial archive of Klostermarianberg and the municipal archive of Lutzmannsburg, hunting regulations, regulations related to the management of municipal property, recording a total of 110 documents. The processing of these will be the task of the coming times.” Dr. Ernő Tárkány Szücs's individual work report, 1982. BTK NTI Archives.
Tárkány Szücs Ernő Bíráskodás – állami bíróságok nélkül [Administering Justice — Without State Courts] Manuscript. 1982. BTK NTI Archives. 1.
Tárkány Szücs Ernő Bíráskodás – állami bíróságok nélkül [Administering Justice — Without State Courts] Manuscript. 1982. BTK NTI Archives. 17.
