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  • 1 University of Pecs, Hungary
  • | 2 University of Education, Germany
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This article discusses the (mostly impeding) impact of the traditional female role model on the learning success of Roma and Gypsy women – based on two interview studies with Roma and Gypsy women in Hungary about their educational biography – with focus on the case of Marianne, a Hungarian Gypsy woman, who has come from a background of multiple deprivations but has managed a successful educational career (higher education graduation). Her educational biography can be seen as typical for Roma and Gypsy women in Hungary. She achieved her university degree at the age of 40 years – with delays and breaks – mostly in evening courses in addition to family and work. During her studies, she questioned the traditional female role model and experienced strong identity crises in her educational career because of the incompatible attitudes of the majority and minority culture. The departure from tight and constricting family relationships was very distressing. However, she also experienced the freedom to decide, could develop her talents, and took her life into her own hands, which altogether strengthened her self-esteem.

Abstract

This article discusses the (mostly impeding) impact of the traditional female role model on the learning success of Roma and Gypsy women – based on two interview studies with Roma and Gypsy women in Hungary about their educational biography – with focus on the case of Marianne, a Hungarian Gypsy woman, who has come from a background of multiple deprivations but has managed a successful educational career (higher education graduation). Her educational biography can be seen as typical for Roma and Gypsy women in Hungary. She achieved her university degree at the age of 40 years – with delays and breaks – mostly in evening courses in addition to family and work. During her studies, she questioned the traditional female role model and experienced strong identity crises in her educational career because of the incompatible attitudes of the majority and minority culture. The departure from tight and constricting family relationships was very distressing. However, she also experienced the freedom to decide, could develop her talents, and took her life into her own hands, which altogether strengthened her self-esteem.

Introduction

This article is based on two interview studies with Roma and Gypsy women in Hungary about their educational biography (Forray, 2004; Ohidy, 2016a, 2016b).

The first study (Forray, 2004) aimed at exploring the sociological background of the first applicants. We wanted to find out who the new university students are. The change of regime in 1989/1990 also boosted civil movements in Hungary. Following the civil initiative, the Gandhi High School was founded in Pecs. The theoretical background of the Department of Romology of the University was established in 2001, which, like the university education of other minorities, provided training in languages, culture, history, and social competences basis was that the Roma, Gypsy population. It was one of the national minorities of the country, with the same rights as German, Slovak, Romanian, and other ethnic groups. Consequently, he has the right to study his own language and culture as well as other national minorities. This was the legal basis for the establishment of the Gandhi High School in 1993 in 2000 and other knowledge. There was tremendous interest in training in the area around the country, soon living in other parts of the country. It seemed that long-delayed, unprecedented hopes were now being realized. Most of the candidates belonged to this nationality, but many simply wanted to learn about such issues because of their interest or workplace relationships.

The research question of the second study (Ohidy, 2016a, 2016b) was: Which factors had – according to the opinion of the affected persons – an influence (especially a positive impact) on their success in the education system? To answer this, Ohidy chose the method of biographical narrative interviews. The intention was to collect as many influencing factors as possible and to investigate the opinions of the Roma/Gypsy women themselves (Glinka, 2009; Kusters, 2009; Schutze, 1983). The selection of the respondents was done with the snowball system and in accordance with two criteria: The interviewed women had to belong to the Roma and Gypsy minority in Hungary (determined by both the self-definition and the definition of their environment) and they had to have a university degree. The study allowed all degrees possible in Europe (Bachelor, Master, diploma, state examination, and PhD). Neither the subject of their studies nor the form of course (full-time, evening course, and correspondence course/open university) was considered in the criteria for selection. The 10 biographical interviews were made by Andrea Ohidy in 2012 in Pecs and Budapest. In addition, she also used expert interviews and analyzed statistical and empirical studies.

The categorization of the school careers of Roma and Gypsy women in Hungary by Katalin R. Forray and Andras T. Hegedus (Forray & Hegedus, 2003; Hegedus, 1996) served as the theoretical framework for both studies. They differentiate between two typical paths of school career: “classic” and “detour.” Based on their studies, the “detour” way can be seen as typical for Roma/Gypsy women in Hungary (Forray, 2004; Forray & Hegedus, 2003). Because the education of women threatens the traditional Roma/Gypsy female role model – not only because the most important role of women is to provide family cohesion, but also because a successful school career often means an assimilation process into the culture of the majority society (and giving up the traditional Roma/Gypsy minority culture as well) – an educational career was not considered to be a necessary or desirable option for a long time. Recently, more Roma and Gypsy families have been willing to support the school career of their daughters, if they are willing to have children and do not neglect the household. In the second study (Ohidy, 2016b), most families considered a school career as a chance for social advancement. They knowingly assisted their children (not only the boys but also the girls) with their further education and studies. In comparison with the former study (Forray, 2004), we can assume that in these cases that the role of the family in general has positively changed.

The Educational Career of Marianne

Marianne was 47 years old during the interview (2012). She has a university diploma in social politics. She comes from a Boyash familiy with four children. Since her elder sister was doing her PhD, the younger sister and the (younger) brother did not pursue further or higher education. Her father visited a vocational school and worked as a collier and later worked as an instructor in the same mine. Her mother visited a primary school and was housewife, although she worked as a semi-skilled by-worker (as a cleaning lady, as a kitchen helper, as a caregiver, and as shop filler). Marianne describes herself as bilingual (Hungarian and Boyash), although she can more understand than speak in the Boyash language. Her parents did not speak to her much in Boyash when she was a child, because it was forbidden to use this language in school and her elder siblings were forced to repeat school classes because of their Boyash mother tongue.

As a child, Marianne lived with her family in a Gypsy settlement until she was 3 or 4 years old. Her memories about this time are very positive. The family was later forced to move to town in the beginning of the 1970s due to a government decision to close the settlement. The family had to move in a street with 12 families and was the only Roma family there. They were received with prejudices, with one exception: “Terus neni” (“Aunt Terus”), the direct neighbor who helped them from the beginning: before they moved in, she heated the apartment and gave them tea and biscuits after arriving. Her behavior helped to break the ice with the other neighbors.

Marianne did not go to the nursery school, only visited a preschool class. She visited an integrated primary school (8 classes) with a music faculty; they have Roma and non-Roma children as well. There were 1–2 Roma children per class. In her class of 27 pupils, she was the only Roma; whereas in her brother’s class, there were 2 or 3 Roma children. Each of her sister’s classes had 2 Roma children. She said that she did not experience any discrimination there: “Our teachers saw the children in us, our classmates the playmates. I can not report any evident discrimination” (see Ohidy, 2016a, p. 131). But she knew that there were a lot of Roma and Gypsy children (also in her family), who were sent to visit special Roma-classes or schools for special education. She had learned relatively well and describes herself as a talented student: “I had no such problems. I learned well. Well, I say, it is relative what I can call ‘well’, I could have learned better. I was a very talented child.” (Ohidy, 2016a, p. 132). Her favorite topics were literature and history, biology, music, and sports. Marianne thinks she was good at school because the whole family read a lot. Her grandfather was a famous storyteller and her mother read a lot for the children and also established a reading club for women at home. The children often read books aloud for adults, who could not read.

Despite her good marks, there was an intervention in her school carrier through the school director, which she cannot really categorize: “But the career choice, you see, was a very interesting point in my life. I wouldn’t dare to say, it was a case of discrimination. I feel rather it was a case of human fallibility” (Ohidy, 2016a, p. 133). In the seventh class, when they started to think about further education and career choices, the school director (and teacher for mathematics, which was not her favorite topic and her marks were not there the best) visited the family at home to speak about her future education with her parents. “He came to us and began to agitate my parents not to send me to a high school, because I am going to have a very bad time there as the only Roma child. Because in this school there are no Roma-children and they don’t like Roma-children, and I will not be able to prevail and I well feel very bad and I will fail. He simply discouraged my parents to send me to a high school” (Ohidy, 2016a, p. 133). However, the parents have not been convinced to follow his advice and after the primary school, Marianne was applying for a high school with a music faculty. She passed the entrance exam and got a place there. But the words of the director must have left an impression on Marianne herself, then – as she said – “without further ado I sealed my fate myself” (Ohidy, 2016a, p. 134). In the summer holidays, she was working in a spinning manufacture, where she found a nice team and earned money for the first time. “There the colleagues, the spinning women began to agitate me to become a spinning woman myself. Why do you want to go to a high school, when here, you can see, you will have a good salary, we love you, it will be good” (Ohidy, 2016a, p. 134). Marianne let them convince her and – without informing her parents about this decision – she applied for a place in a vocational school to become a tailor and cancel her application for the high school. When she informed them about it, they were angry with her, although her sister visited the same vocational school too. “My father was very angry, but he said, you have to eat what you cooked! You have chosen this way, you have to go through it!” (Ohidy, 2016a, p. 135).

She has good memories from her time in the vocational school. She worked for 5 years in a sewing factory after completing school. Immediately after finishing the vocational school, she wanted to apply again for a high school. In the first year, her boss did not allow it, but 1 year later, she began an evening class of the high school. Although she liked her workplace, after 5 years, she changed it and began to work as an administrator in the meat industry. Then, she fell in love and before the final exam she left the high school: “I was in the fourth class in the last semester when I stopped my studies. Before the final exam I decided, that was all… I felt that I am clever and educated enough, with this knowledge I can manage my life. I really thought this about myself! I was very much in love” (Ohidy, 2016a, p. 137).

She continued her studies 10 years later as an unemployed, divorced single mother: “When we – my partner and me – split up, the need for learning and self-realization became very strong in me” (Ohidy, 2016a, p. 137). First she took part in a retraining, then started working at the Gandhi High School as a pedagogical assistant, where she finished her high school degree as a private student. “[My learning motivation] have been strengthened when I got in touch with the new grounded Gandhi High School. The first director – unfortunately he is deceased – Janos Bogdan saw a potential in me. He got to know a young mother with a vocational school degree, without a high school degree, and he thought, I have a place in his teaching staff, because I am a good person, I have good values and I can have a good impact on the children, the pupils, the colleagues. He gave me the chance to work there, and parallel to it to finish my studies and after than to begin a university study. Unbelievable!” (Ohidy, 2016a, p. 137f).

She was 35 years old when she applied for a place in social pedagogy at the University of Pecs as a regular student. She considers herself lucky, not least because she did not experienced any discrimination: “I was a happy student. It was good that every time I could go to everybody to ask questions, to ask for help and anything” (Ohidy, 2016a, p. 142). She also had a positive relationship to her fellow students and became a part of the team: “We became a very good, tenacious group and we helped each other a lot” (Ohidy, 2016a, p. 139). During her studies, she worked continuously. When she obtained her university degree, she was 40 years old. During the interview, she had worked in adult education for 7 years and was very confident with her job situation: “Now I am in the adult education, which is very different from the school or the university education, but it is a very big challenge and a big experience for me still. I like it very much. I cannot live without teaching, I have to educate, I feel” (Ohidy, 2016a, p. 144).

Marianne’s Educational Career and the Traditional Female Role

According to the research of Forray and Hegedus, her educational biography can be seen as typical for Roma and Gypsy women in Hungary. Most of them complete their degree with delays and breaks, mostly in evening courses in addition to family and work (Forray, 2004, 2013; Forray & Hegedus, 2003). The most common reason for delays is to have a family: Marianne suspended her educational career because she wanted to dedicate herself to her partner and child. (Self)Expectation to adopt the traditional female role plays a big part here (Kocze, 2010). In Marianne’s case – unlike other cases, where lot of the interviewed women had to go through conflicts with their parents or husbands – there were especially her own expectations, which prevented her to have a “classic” educational career, because her family did not oppose it, but rather supported it. As she said: “I fell in love and this love pushed me in another direction. Some people – how should I say it? – love gives them wings, but I had to build a nest” (Ohidy, 2016a, p. 137). Another big problem is the lack of financial resources, which also causes delays in their educational career. Marianne, like a lot of other women, worked during her studies and was as a single mother and the main breadwinner of the family: “I worked for an NGO, for a Roma-organization, I gave lectures and private lessons, I was tutor at the university too. I took every chance to maintain myself and my child, to manage our life and safety […]” (Ohidy, 2016a, p. 139).

Marianne had a very strong learning motivation and tried to do both: to be a good mother and housewife and to achieve educational success. She could count on the support of her family. Her parents played a major role in her success; their support was necessary to overcome hard times and not to give up. Especially her mother supported her: “I could always rely on my parents. […] I have a lot to thank for my parents! When I passed the state exam and went home, I said: ‘Mother, we achieved a university degree’. I seriously think this is true, because without them I could not have done this” (Ohidy, 2016a, p. 139). There were some neighbors who also helped her: “My direct neighbor, an 82 years old lady kept her fingers crossed for me for all my exams and everything, and she helped me, where she could” (Ohidy, 2016a, p. 139). Teachers also played a significant role as examples to follow and as individual supporters as well. Marianne named several teachers in every school she visited as supporting persons, who had a very big impact on her school career: “In the primary school I had good luck. I can name several teachers, who had an impact on my development. […] I have to thank them for that I became a person I am” (Ohidy, 2016a, p. 142). “In the high school there was my history teacher, who was my chamber choir leader as well and he and my other choir leader took me under their wings” (Ohidy, 2016a, p. 143). “During my university studies there was my mentor and consultant teacher, who helped me a lot.

The lack of personal discrimination at the schools and at the university was also an important positive experience for her: “How interesting, that it is possible to grown up without discrimination, right?” (p. 135). But her negative experiences with teachers, especially with the director of the primary school had a great impact on her life too, because his words deepened her self-doubt, made her hesitating, and caused breaks and delays in her learning career. Later, in her research studies, she reflected these experiences: “In the last few years, when I had to assess the educational situation [of Roma/Gypsy children], I had really hair-raising experiences. Most of the teachers and the future teachers are full of prejudice. They have this attitude not only towards Gypsies, but also toward every kind of difference. This is very dangerous! This problem should be solved, when we want to have results. But it is not enough to wait for the change and demand it, we should do something for ourselves, and now I am speaking about my own people. We Gypsies have to change too” (Ohidy, 2016a, p. 145).

Marianne’s educational career on the “detour” way shows the difficulties between her learning motivation and the (assumed or actual) expectations of her social environment and herself. On one hand, she emphasized again and again the importance of further education for her life: “For me it was very natural, to learn, to learn, to learn. I have always known that I have something to do in this world” (p. 136). However, on the other hand, every time when someone showed her another opportunity – the director of the primary school, colleagues at the textile factory, etc. – she let herself distracted, diverted from the chosen path. Interrupting her studies was in each case her own decision; her parents would have preferred her to go to a high school, and Marianne did not mention that her husband would have opposed her further education. It seems that she was the one who did not trust herself to be successful.

As we can see from her example, the conflicts between of the majority and the minority culture and the traditional and modern female role model are individualized internal conflicts. It means that the Roma and Gypsy women usually must solve them themselves. In Marianne’s case, there is a happy end. Her learning motivation won and she successfully completed her university degree: “But it seems I had to go through every station. I am a late-timer and I needed a lot of experience to find my place” (p. 136). Her case shows that the participation in further education for a Roma/Gypsy woman may hold high risks and therefore ambivalent emotions. On the one side of the scale is the possible (and often probable) loss of their home community (no Roma husband, high risk of divorce, and conflicts with the family). And on the other hand, the reward of their efforts, the integration into majority society, and social advancement are by no means certain. Marianne belongs to the small group within the Hungarian Roma/Gypsy minority, who was able – with help of her educational career – to improve her social position. As she said: “I do know it that my situation is not the common situation[…] I do know that I grow up in a very lucky time and place and environment. […] This is not common, how I grow up, I did have good luck” (p. 146).

Summary

To sum it up, we can say that Marianne – like most of the Roma/Gypsy women with a successful school career (Forray & Kozma, 2012) – struggled with the traditional female role model and experienced strong identity crises in her educational career because of the different roles as a wife, a mother, and as a student. However, she also experienced the freedom to decide, could develop her talents, and took her life into her own hands, which altogether strengthened her self-esteem. She said that her work is as an important life target for her as to raise her child. She can be defined as a prototype of the modern woman, who tries to have a family and work and to reconcile her existence for others (family and children) with the claim to have some personal independence (career and self-fulfillment; Beck-Gernsheim & Wilz, 2008; Dausien, 1992).

References

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  • Dausien, B. (1992). Leben fur andere oder eigenes Leben? Uberlegungen zur Bedeutung der Geschlechterdifferenz in der biographischen Forschung [Living for others or for yourself? Considerations on the importance of gender difference in biographical research]. In P. Alheit, B. Dausien, A. Hanses, & A. Scheuermann (Eds.), Biographische Konstruktionen: Beiträge zur Biographieforschung [Biographical constructions: Contributions to biography research] (pp. 3770). Bremen, Germany: Universität Bremen.

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  • Forray, R. K. (2004). Életutak– iskolai pályák Interjúk cigány, roma fiatalokkal [Life careers, school careers. Interviews with Gypsy, Roma youth]. Pécs, Hungary: Pécsi Tudomanyegyetem.

    • Search Google Scholar
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  • Forray, R. K. (2013). Colleges for Roma in higher education. Hungarian Educational Research Journal, 3(3), 18. doi:10.14413/HERJ2013.03.01

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    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Forray, R. K., & Kozma, T. (2012). Equal opportunity and national identity: Roma educational policies in Eastern Europe. In D. B. Napier & S. Majhanovic (Eds.), Education, dominance and identity (pp. 115150). Rotterdam, The Netherlands: Sense Publishers.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
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    • Export Citation
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    • Export Citation
  • Kusters, I. (2009). Narrative interviews. Wiesbaden, Germany: VS Verlag fur Sozialwissenschaften.

  • Ohidy, A. (2016a). A halmozottan hátrányos helyzetből a diplomáig. Cigány Tanulmányok 37 [From multiple disadvantage to university degree. Gypsy studies 37]. Pécs, Hungary: The University of Pecs.

    • Search Google Scholar
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  • Ohidy, A. (2016b). Von der Mehrfachbenachteiligung zum Hochschulabschluss [From multiple disadvantage to higher education]. In L. Herwartz-Emden, W. Baros, V. Schurt, & W. Waburg (Eds.), Biografische Orientierungen, Selbstinszenierungen und Bildungsprozesse in der Migrationsgesellschaft [Biographical orientations, self-stagings and educational processes in the migration society] (pp. 105126). Leverkusen, Germany: Verlag Barbara Budrich.

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  • Schutze, F. (1983). Biographieforschung und narratives Interview [Biography research and narrative interview]. Neue Praxis, 13(3), 283293. Retrieved from https://www.ssoar.info/ssoar/bitstream/handle/document/5314/ssoar-np-1983-3-schutze-biographieforschung_und_narratives_interview.pdf

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Beck-Gernsheim, E., & Wilz, M. (2008). Vom “Dasein fur andere” zum Anspruch auf ein Stuck “eigenes Leben”: Individualisierungsprozesse im weiblichen Lebenszusammenhang [From the “existence for others” to the claim to a piece of “own life”: Individualization processes in the female life context]. Wiesbaden, Germany: S Verlag fur Sozialwissenschaften.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Dausien, B. (1992). Leben fur andere oder eigenes Leben? Uberlegungen zur Bedeutung der Geschlechterdifferenz in der biographischen Forschung [Living for others or for yourself? Considerations on the importance of gender difference in biographical research]. In P. Alheit, B. Dausien, A. Hanses, & A. Scheuermann (Eds.), Biographische Konstruktionen: Beiträge zur Biographieforschung [Biographical constructions: Contributions to biography research] (pp. 3770). Bremen, Germany: Universität Bremen.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Forray, R. K. (2004). Életutak– iskolai pályák Interjúk cigány, roma fiatalokkal [Life careers, school careers. Interviews with Gypsy, Roma youth]. Pécs, Hungary: Pécsi Tudomanyegyetem.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Forray, R. K. (2013). Colleges for Roma in higher education. Hungarian Educational Research Journal, 3(3), 18. doi:10.14413/HERJ2013.03.01

  • Forray, R. K., & Hegedus, T. A. (2003). Cigányok, iskola, oktatáspolitika [Gypsies, school, education policy]. Budapest, Hungary: Új Mandátum Kiadó.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Forray, R. K., & Kozma, T. (2012). Equal opportunity and national identity: Roma educational policies in Eastern Europe. In D. B. Napier & S. Majhanovic (Eds.), Education, dominance and identity (pp. 115150). Rotterdam, The Netherlands: Sense Publishers.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Glinka, H. J. (2009). Das narrative Interview. Eine Einfuhrung fur Sozialpädagogen [The narrative interview. An introduction for social educators]. Weinheim, Germany: Juventa.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Hegedus, T. A. (1996). A kisebbségi nő család és társadalom között [The minority woman between family and society]. Educatio, 5(3), 441453.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Kocze, A. (2010). “Aki érti a világ hangját, annak muszáj szólnia”. Roma nők a politikai érvényesüles útjan [“Whoever understands the voice of the world must speak it”. Roma women on the road to politics]. In M. Feinschmidt (Ed.), Etnicitas. Kulonbsegteremto tarsadalom [Ethnicity. Diversity, society] (pp. 208224). Budapest, Hungary: Gondolat.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Kusters, I. (2009). Narrative interviews. Wiesbaden, Germany: VS Verlag fur Sozialwissenschaften.

  • Ohidy, A. (2016a). A halmozottan hátrányos helyzetből a diplomáig. Cigány Tanulmányok 37 [From multiple disadvantage to university degree. Gypsy studies 37]. Pécs, Hungary: The University of Pecs.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Ohidy, A. (2016b). Von der Mehrfachbenachteiligung zum Hochschulabschluss [From multiple disadvantage to higher education]. In L. Herwartz-Emden, W. Baros, V. Schurt, & W. Waburg (Eds.), Biografische Orientierungen, Selbstinszenierungen und Bildungsprozesse in der Migrationsgesellschaft [Biographical orientations, self-stagings and educational processes in the migration society] (pp. 105126). Leverkusen, Germany: Verlag Barbara Budrich.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Schutze, F. (1983). Biographieforschung und narratives Interview [Biography research and narrative interview]. Neue Praxis, 13(3), 283293. Retrieved from https://www.ssoar.info/ssoar/bitstream/handle/document/5314/ssoar-np-1983-3-schutze-biographieforschung_und_narratives_interview.pdf

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
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Founding Editor: Tamás Kozma (Debrecen University)

Editor-in-ChiefAnikó Fehérvári (ELTE Eötvös Loránd University)

Assistant Editor: Eszter Bükki (ELTE Eötvös Loránd University)

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Karolina Eszter Kovács (Debrecen University)
Valéria Markos (Debrecen University)
Zsolt Kristóf (Debrecen University)

 

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  • Tamas Bereczkei (University of Pécs)
  • Mark Bray (University of Hong Kong)
  • John Brennan (London School of Economics)
  • Carmel Cefai (University of Malta)
  • Laszlo Csernoch (University of Debrecen)
  • Katalin R Forray (HERA Hungarian Educational Research Association)
  • Zsolt Demetrovics (Eotvos Lorand University, Budapest)
  • Csaba Jancsak (University of Szeged)
  • Gabor Halasz (Eotvos Lorand University, Budapest)
  • Stephen Heyneman (Vanderbilt University, Nashville)
  • Katalin Keri (University of Pecs)
  • Marek Kwiek (Poznan University)
  • Joanna Madalinska-Michalak (University of Warszawa)
  • John Morgan (Cardiff University)
  • Roberto Moscati (University of Milan-Bicocca)
  • Guy Neave (Twente University, Enschede)
  • Andrea Ohidy (University of Freiburg)
  • Bela Pukanszky (University of Szeged)
  • Gabriella Pusztai (University of Debrecen)
  • Peter Toth (HERA Hungarian Educational Research Association)
  • Juergen Schriewer (Humboldt University, Berlin)
  • Ulrich Teichler (University of Kassel)
  • Voldemar Tomusk (Estonian Academy of Sciences, Tallin)
  • Horst Weishaupt (DIPF German Institute for International Educational Research, Frankfurt a.M)
  • Pavel Zgaga (University of Ljubljana)

 

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Issues
per Year
4
Founder Magyar Nevelés- és Oktatáskutatók Egyesülete – Hungarian Educational Research Association
Founder's
Address
H-4010 Debrecen, Hungary Pf 17
Publisher Akadémiai Kiadó
Publisher's
Address
H-1117 Budapest, Hungary 1516 Budapest, PO Box 245.
Responsible
Publisher
Chief Executive Officer, Akadémiai Kiadó
ISSN 2064-2199 (Online)

Monthly Content Usage

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Feb 2021 0 4 0
Mar 2021 0 11 1
Apr 2021 0 8 0
May 2021 0 10 4
Jun 2021 0 3 0
Jul 2021 0 2 1
Aug 2021 0 0 0