Abstract
Some of social researchers think that countries in Central and Eastern Europe are expected quicker and rapid secularization. Therefore, it is interesting to search how the religiosity of young people is formed at the background of continual social and culture changes. The main goal of the presented paper, based especially on the own empirical research, is description related to condition of youth’s religiosity in Slovakia and effort to appoint demographical and social features, which differentiate that religiosity. The presented work is situated in area of sociology of religion and also shows typology of Slovakian youth’s religiosity that is very useful as well.
Introduction
Religion or religiosity is a subject of interest of many scientific disciplines among which sociology of religion, which is a subdiscipline of sociology, also finds its stable position. This scientific discipline, “deals with religious phenomena as much as they have common, general and repetitive character. It examines these phenomena in the stage of formation, course, development and ending. It, however, does not reply to the question where religion comes from and what its nature is. These questions represent a domain of other sciences, especially philosophy. The subject of sociology of religion is, instead of this, socio-cultural aspect of religion” (Piwowarski, 2000, p. 25).
This scientific discipline consists of a platform of all the requirements of the social empirical sciences and it does not represent prescriptive knowledge in any of its components (as opposed to the theology). Berger (1997, p. 227) reminds that “sociological theory […] will always view religion sub specie temporis, and therefore, necessarily leaving open questions of whether and how it can be viewed sub specie aeternitatis.” Faith, which, according to theologians, is the work of grace, constantly needs to be rooted in the experience of everyday life. The sociocultural changes depend on the sociocultural conditions. Although, theoretically, the nature of religion can be viewed independently of the history and society, yet religion existing in reality always has its historical and social dimensions (Marianski, 2004, pp. 7–8). And indeed, this “religion existing in reality” in social life is a subject of interest of sociology of religion.
Empirical Studies of Religion and Religiosity
If we say that someone is “religious,” we can mean many different things. Religiosity may indicate membership in a church, faith in religious doctrines, ethical way of life, participation in religious acts, and many other things. These are not synonyms but different aspects of the same fact. A precise answer to the question of who deserves to be called “a religious man” seems to be quite a complex problem. There is no doubt what consequences it brings. Some point to an increase in the number of people who declare a membership to a church, others note the decline of practicing religious acts or erosion of religious knowledge (Stark & Glock, 2003, p. 182).
Operationalization of religiosity requires a selection of parameters and indicators of religious life. A social form of religion can be captured only through a comprehensive selection of parameters, and within them – indicators of religiosity. Unthoroughness in this area causes that empirical research of dubious value is carried out and the results obtained are not always comparable (Piwowarski, 2000, pp. 58–59). Classics of sociology of religion (in particular, Stark & Glock, 2003) distinguish five basic dimensions of religiosity:
- 1.Ideological dimension: it is closely associated with the expectation that a religious person will also have a religious belief and will recognize the truth of dogmas of their religion (such as faith in the Holy Trinity, reincarnation, etc.).
- 2.Religious acts: these include everything people do, giving an external expression to their religion (such as participation in the Mass, pilgrimages, prayer, etc.).
- 3.Dimension of experience: a religious person should also have immediate, subjective experience of the supernatural reality – of God, they should have – even if only momentarily – a contact with the supernatural sphere (e.g., a feeling of the closeness of God, the religious sense of life, experience of God’s assistance, etc.).
- 4.Intellectual dimension: it is associated with the expectation that religious people will be characterized by at least some minimum knowledge about the fundamental dogmas of their faith, their rites, holy books, and traditions (e.g., knowledge of the dogma of the resurrection of the body, the names of the four evangelists and the like).
- 5.Dimension of consequences (a moral parameter): it is significantly different from the aforementioned four dimensions of religiosity. It is closely connected with the consequences of religious belief, acts, experience, as well as religious knowledge in their daily lives (e.g., the paramount duty of the believer, the ethical evaluation of certain deeds, etc.). It must be added that it is not entirely clear in what part the consequences are part of religious commitment and in what part they only result from it (Stark & Glock, 2003).
Within the frame of completion of the mentioned dimensions of religiosity, sociologists of religion focused their attention on one major platform that is expressed in the membership in a religious community or organization. This platform can be called “a community parameter” – it is situated on the continuum range from the purely formal membership to a complete identification with a church or religious association (there can be mentioned, e.g., a feeling of belonging to the parish, the need for a contact with the priest, etc.). In addition to the above six dimensions, it is necessary to draw our attention to the attempt of introduction into the parameters of religiosity, so-called global relationship to faith. It is not just about auto-declaration (e.g., auto-declaration of religious attitudes, religious motivations, etc.), but also about knowledge of intensity and level of critical reflection of own religiosity (Piwowarski, 2000, pp. 61–63).
All the mentioned parameters have their importance in a certain stage. Consequently, any relatively comprehensive attempt of an analysis of religiosity must take them into account. In empirical research of religiosity, the religious phenomena that are in the sociocultural environment in some way present should be considered (e.g., it would be pointless to research purely Buddhist or Hindu religiosity in Slovakia or Poland – it would make sense only if we looked for those people and wanted to learn more about their religious attitudes or feelings). In the social reality, in fact, there is a specific sociocultural form of religiosity that was historically shaped, and transmitted in the process of socialization and acculturation (Frankowski, 2006, p. 24).
Own Empirical Research of Slovakian Youth’s Religiosity and Its Main Results
After a brief description of the discipline itself and the basic directives in empirical studies of religiosity, I would like to introduce to the reader some summary results of the empirical research of religiosity of the 17- to 18-year-old Slovakian youth [It is a quantitative research by means of a survey. Terrain data collection took place in November 2006. The target group (a basic set) was 17- to 18-year-old youth in the Diocese of Spis. From the basic set, a random set was deliberately and randomly created, which consisted of 663 young people (24 grades of 8 public schools and 1 church school). The implemented set consists of 629 respondents, which constitutes 94.9% of the random sample.]. The main focus of the sociological research (the research problem) was a description of religiosity of the youth in Slovakia as well as an attempt to settle demographic and social characteristics conditioning these attitudes. In view of the main issue (goal) of the presented research project, the following basic scientific and research hypothesis was formulated. It is expected that the Slovakian youth represents a relatively high level of religious life in all its fundamental dimensions, even though selectivity and elements of personalization of their religiosity are expected simultaneously. In the following lines, I will very broadly introduce the aforementioned dimensions of religiosity in the researched population of young people (Detailed results processing of the described empirical research can be found in the study of Stefanak, 2009.).
Global relationship to faith
Looking at the Slovak society, in which strong religious pluralism is perhaps only in statu nascendi, we can accept the view that it is rather a religiously monopoly society. In this society, as well as in the researched youth population, more than 80% of people declare religious faith. The most commonly given source of the religious belief in the researched youth is education and tradition in the family, and also personal discretion and beliefs. Similarly, more than four fifths of the surveyed young people speak about at least rare implementation of some vague religious acts. In assessing their own religiosity, the youth (four times) more frequently declare its decline than deepening – it is often even without changes. If we compare religiosity of youth with religiosity of their parents, we can see the phenomenon of “inheritance of faith,” as well as its weakening in the younger generation (Figure 1).
Global relationship to faith (in %). A: profound believers; B: believers; C: connected with a religious tradition; D: indifferent; E: unbelievers; F: no answer
Citation: Hungarian Educational Research Journal 9, 1; 10.1556/063.9.2019.1.10
Religious practice
In relation to religious practice, it is necessary to confirm a relatively high level of practicing of religious acts in the researched youth population. Among the Catholic youth, there are 69.5% of so-called Sunday Catholics – i.e., those who attend the holy Mass at least once a month (Piwowarski, 2002, p. 58). Nearly four fifths of the researched Catholic youth receive the sacrament of reconciliation at least once a year. As to an individual prayer, we noted slightly lower indicators, whereas almost one third of the surveyed youth do not pray at all or only very rarely. In connection with the customary religious acts, it can be said that some of the family customary acts (common Christmas Eve and Christmas Day meals and a visit of the cemetery at All Saints’ Day) are practiced widely in the families of Slovakia. Instead, the local customary religious acts are situated at different levels – depending on the size of residence, declared relation to the religious faith, and systematic participation in the mass (Figure 2).
Attendance at religious services (in %). A: every Sunday; B: almost every Sunday; C: 1–2 times a month; D: only during big feasts; E: only occasionally (marriage, funeral, etc.); F: never; G: no answer
Citation: Hungarian Educational Research Journal 9, 1; 10.1556/063.9.2019.1.10
Religious knowledge
Another dimension of religiosity is religious knowledge. Although the variable of knowledge of the Holy Trinity persons is relatively high – within the range from 82.2% to 82.5%, knowledge of knowing the names of evangelists is already weaker – less than 60.0% and knowledge of individual sacraments is even weaker – from 37.0% to 56.1%. The most known is the sacrament of confirmation and the least known is the sacrament of penance. Overall, almost half of the researched youth are able to name at least five out of the seven sacraments. Finally, religious knowledge “about topical issues” – names of the current Church representatives – is situated within the range from 39.0% to 86.2%. Most often, the young people know the name of the Pope, the least often it is the name of the bishop of their own diocese (Figure 3).
Knowing the names of evangelists (in %). A: fully right answer; B: partially right answer; C: wrong or no answer
Citation: Hungarian Educational Research Journal 9, 1; 10.1556/063.9.2019.1.10
Religious ideology
Considering the presented indicators of the ideological dimension of religiosity, we should agree with Piwowarski (2005, p. 195) who emphasizes that from the confessed truths of faith, respondents accept most frequently those that are abstract to them – which they count on less in their lives. On the contrary, least often they accept those religious dogmas which they “must count on” in everyday life. The indicators of those believing in the existence of hell are in the surveyed youth somewhat lower (53.4%) compared to those believing in God (75.2%), personal God (63.9%), Trinity (61.5%), the deity of Christ (72.4%), his redeeming work (73.8%), or the afterlife (74.7%). Overall, more than a half of the youth accept at least six out of the seven selected religious dogmas (Figure 4).
Belief in a personal God (in %). A: I definitely believe; B: I rather believe; C: I rather do not believe; D: I definitely do not believe; E: no answer
Citation: Hungarian Educational Research Journal 9, 1; 10.1556/063.9.2019.1.10
Religious experience
In the area of religious experience, the Slovakian youth is characterized by medium religiosity variables. This is confirmed by the percentages obtained such as: linking a sense of life (often primarily) with faith (58.6%) and belief in God’s assistance in difficult life situations (65.3%). In the case of experiencing the feeling of God’s closeness in the lives of the studied youth, a relatively low variable of positive responses (28.3%) was shown. However, we must think about the difficulties in understanding and describing religious experience as well as the “threat” of further specific answer, which could have encouraged the respondents to choose the corrective response “hard to say” (Figure 5).
Belief in God’s help in difficult situations (in %). A: definitely yes; B: rather yes; C: rather no; D: definitely no; E: no answer
Citation: Hungarian Educational Research Journal 9, 1; 10.1556/063.9.2019.1.10
Religious community
Secularization most affects the community character of religiosity. Even in the researched youth, we noticed strong individualization processes. Although they see the Catholic Church as a community of believers in particular (53.9%), only 22.1% consciously present so-called church religiosity (guided by the doctrine of the Church). A significant percentage of the surveyed young people define their own religiosity with the statement: “I am a believer my own way” (54.4%). However, it must be said that the obtained empirical results – in a sociocultural context of the Slovak society – speak about the selective religiosity (“I am a Catholic, but…”), rather than strictly religious individualization, because 58.7% of the surveyed identify emotionally with the Church at various levels. The individualization of the studied youth is indirectly referred to by a low level of involvement in religious associations and movements, as well as the observed gap between the views on the need for priests in the society and the desire to have a priest in their own families (Figure 6).
Religiosity and connection with the church in the minds of youth (in %). A: I am religious and adapt to the demands of the church; B: I am religious in my own way; C: I cannot say whether I am religious or not; D: I am not religious and do not care about these things; E: I am not religious, because the Church’s teaching is wrong; F: other answer; G: no answer
Citation: Hungarian Educational Research Journal 9, 1; 10.1556/063.9.2019.1.10
Ethical dimension of religiosity
Overall, the researched Slovakian youth is characterized by a relatively high indicator of verbal acceptance of each of the Ten Commandments. The average variable of resolute or moderate acceptance of these basic, but rather general moral standards, is 75.6%. The most often accepted moral norm is the prohibition to kill and the command to honor one’s own parents; the least often accepted is the prohibition to take God’s name in vain, and to keep the feast days holy. For much more specific standards of marital and family morality and euthanasia, a significant decline in their acceptance is seen. An average indicator of their unconditional acceptance is 42.2%. It is notably increased by a denial of rape and marital infidelity, and reduced by low acceptance of the prohibition of premarital cohabitation and use of contraceptives. As to the attitudes of the surveyed youth to various moral authorities, it can be said that in addition to unquestionable authority of conscience, family and friends’ “well-disposed” advice is most popular. Moral authority of the Church is not sought for according to the responses of the surveyed youth (Figure 7).
Attitudes of youth toward abortion (in %). A: it is allowed; B: it depends on the situation; C: it is not allowed; D: no answer
Citation: Hungarian Educational Research Journal 9, 1; 10.1556/063.9.2019.1.10
The Typology of Slovakian Youth’s Religiosity
In the next section, I would like to briefly turn attention to the main types of religiosity of the researched youth. Each group (religiosity types) was formed by a procedure of two-step grouping within the nominal range. As a result of using of this procedure, five groups (types of religiosity) were distinguished. Their names seek to reflect the characteristics of the given type:
- 1.Church-oriented religiosity: the first type of religiosity is characterized by high levels of indicators of religious involvement in all its fundamental dimensions. The most important fact here is the existence of willpower to identify with the Church. SPSS statistical program placed 18.6% of the surveyed young people into this group.
- 2.Traditionally oriented religiosity: the second type is as if from “another story.” Although believers in traditionally oriented religiosity, in general, declare faith and accept the doctrine of the Church more often than the young people of the three following types of religiosity, their faith is little well-considered, too traditional, and little consequent. The most notable difference is seen with regard to religious knowledge, which people of this type lack significantly. SPSS statistical program placed only 10.8% of the surveyed young people into this group.
- 3.Selective religiosity: the youth with selective religiosity acknowledges readily their faith, they accept the dogmas of their religion; more or less they often practice religious acts; life is meaningful both in faith and other values in life and they are characterized by relatively high levels of religious knowledge. However, in relation to the acceptance of the Church teaching on some moral issues, “a revived choice realization” can be seen. SPSS statistical program placed 29.3% of the surveyed young people into this group.
- 4.Hesitant and dubious religiosity: the surveyed with such attitudes do not completely ignore religious issues, but they also do not automatically accept an institutionalized religion. They formulate many questions about it and present a number of doubts. It is undecided youth, asking, doubting, but also seeking answers to religious questions. SPSS statistical program placed as many as 26.1% of the surveyed young people into this group.
- 5.Indifference to the faith and unbelief: there are such people who openly declare indifference in relation to the religious belief or unbelief, and in connection with that they do not practice any religious acts; do not accept religious dogmas, or at least they find it difficult to express their opinion on similar topics; they look for and find a sense of life in different values of life outside of religious faith. SPSS statistical program placed 15.3% of the surveyed young people into this group (Figure 8).
The typology of Slovakian youth’s religiosity (in %). A: Church-oriented religiosity; B: traditionally oriented religiosity; C: selective religiosity; D: hesitant and dubious religiosity; E: indifference to the faith and unbelief
Citation: Hungarian Educational Research Journal 9, 1; 10.1556/063.9.2019.1.10
It can therefore be concluded that the religiosity of the majority of the researched youth population is selectively (selection) and indecisively (indecision) oriented. On one side, this majority borders with a part of the Church-oriented youth; on the other side, it is a part of the indifferent youth in relation to faith and unbelievers.
Conclusions
Finally, it might be asked: “What is the religiosity of the Slovakian youth at the beginning of 21st century?” In general, these youths are believers and they verbally acknowledge it willingly. The evidence of this is shown by such indicators of religiosity as:
- –General relationship to the religious belief (81.4% of the surveyed declare themselves as religious people, at least linked with the religious tradition);
- –Relationship to religious practice (81.1% of the surveyed say that they at least rarely practice some religious acts);
- –Confessional autodeclaration (90.2% of the surveyed present they belong to a Church or religious group, 82.8% confess the Catholic Church);
- –Belief in the existence of God (75.2% of the surveyed say they believe in some higher power, which can be called God);
- –Belief in the after-life (74.7% of the surveyed believe that the life of a man does not end with death);
- –Personal prayer (80.5% of the surveyed youth declare that they pray – although some only in difficult life situations or very rarely), and the like.
In connection with the presented empirical results, it can be stated that there is no reason to reject the basic scientific and research hypothesis on a relatively high level of religiosity of the researched youth, although the declared faith is often selective, picky. It seems that it is this characteristic, which is prevailing in the religiosity of today’s Slovakian youth (not only of the youth and not only of the Slovakian). This is confirmed by empirical indicators of religiosity such as:
- –Belief in the existence of hell (53.4% of the surveyed believe in the possibility of eternal punishment after death);
- –Participation in the Mass (41.2% of the Catholic youth participate in the holy Mass every Sunday at least);
- –Receiving the Sacrament of Reconciliation (78.1% of the Catholic youth receive the confession at least once a year, 18.1% – every month);
- –Attitudes to abortion (48.8% of the surveyed believe that abortion is morally unconditionally not allowed);
- –Attitudes to euthanasia (33.1% of the surveyed think that euthanasia is morally unconditionally not allowed);
- –Attitudes to premarital cohabitation (only 13.5% of the surveyed think that it is morally not allowed);
- –Attitudes toward the use of contraceptives (only 14.2% of the surveyed think that it is morally not allowed);
- –Acceptance of the nine selected standards of marital and family morality (only 4.8% of all the surveyed consider moral standards represented to be correct).
Independent variables, which most often and strongest divide individual categories of the surveyed youth in religious and moral attitudes, are so-called internal (religious) characteristics – the presented systemic participation in the Mass and declared relationship to the religious faith. From the selected demographic and social characteristics, different categories of youth are most often and strongest divided by the size of current residence. It is particularly visible in the case of practicing different religious acts. However, there is an interesting fact. Smaller percentage differences with regard to personal and common prayer among the young people from differently big residential areas show that the attitude of the social environment to specific religious acts plays an important role, too. In brief, there are not as significant differences in “hidden” religious acts as in the “visible” ones. This fact indirectly indicates the important role of social control in rural areas.
Another independent variable, which quite often divides religious and moral attitudes of the surveyed youth population, is the demographic characteristic of the “sex.” They are most often seen in ideological, intellectual, and experiential dimensions of religiosity. The other two independent variables only slightly influence the religious and moral attitudes of the researched young people; however, the declared results in the learning process are a little more frequent and stronger. We can say that at least some indicators of religiosity show their decline along with worsening of the results in school. Finally, the last social characteristic and simultaneously causing the differences in religious and moral attitudes most rarely examined is the declared material situation of the family. Statistically significant dependences can be found in a few concrete variables of religiosity – and not always in accordance with the accepted scientific and research hypothesis, which claims that young people from economically disadvantaged families present religious and moral values more often than youth from economically stronger families (Stefanak, 2009).
Finally, I just want to stress that the carried out analysis and considerations are insufficient for pastors, teachers, or parents, given the fact that – as Polish classic of this discipline, Piwowarski (2000, p. 95) says – “sociology of religion is not the science which could ‘automatically’ influence the change of directions and methods of pastoral action. However, it allows to ‘understand’ the current situation, showing what, how and why happens.”
About the Author
OS is an associate professor of Department of Sociology in Constantine the Philosopher University, Nitra (Slovakia).
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