Abstract
Background and Aims
Networks of so-called underground, or illegal, psilocybin mushroom practitioners are popularly known to exist, though few systematic investigations of their practices have been conducted. We sought to uncover the experiences of a hidden community of psilocybin practitioners in order to inform scientific and policy dialogues about safe and effective practices in this area.
Methods
An academic-community partnered research team used snowball sampling to recruit 17 underground psilocybin practitioners in a western U.S. state for in-depth individual interviews focused on training, protocols, practices, and policy priorities. Combined deductive and inductive analysis with three independent coders was completed using NVivo v12.
Results
Practitioners were white (76.5%), female-identified (64.7%), aged 31 to 50 (64.7%), non-therapists by training (58.8%), and moderately to highly experienced facilitators. All described multiple years of often difficult personal inner-directed work with psilocybin before guiding others. Benefits ranged from reduction in symptoms of depression, obsessive-compulsive disorder, and addictions to greater self-knowledge, reduced death anxiety, and a greater ability to experience joy. Client screening protocols revealed precautions for persons with severe trauma backgrounds, personality disorders, or lacking social support. Moving too quickly into a high dose mushroom session without adequate preparation or internal resourcing was perceived as a significant risk for harm. Practitioners' direct personal relationship with mushrooms was highlighted as critical to safe practice. Policy priorities centered on respectful reciprocity, defined as an ethos of giving back rather than extraction, and equitable access.
Conclusions
While some psychedelic research actively examines the role of the mystical-type experience in clients' positive outcomes, findings from underground practitioners suggest an even greater role of mysticism, relationality, and expanded concepts of holistic healing that can inform the development of best practice paradigms of an emerging profession.
Introduction
Psilocybin mushrooms hold a prominent place in the current political, legal, and medical landscape of drug reform and legalization (Siegel, Daily, Perry, & Nicol, 2023). Along with cocaine, amphetamines, MDMA, and LSD, psilocybin-containing mushrooms are the most commonly used illicit drugs (Winstock, et al., 2021). When psychedelic medical research re-emerged in the 2000s, many initial studies were with psilocybin, with prominent universities finding that psilocybin can “occasion mystical-type experiences” (Griffiths, Richards, McCann, & Jesse, 2006) and reduce symptoms of obsessive-compulsive disorder (Moreno, Wiegand, Taitano, & Delgado, 2006) and cancer-related anxiety (Grob, et al., 2011). In 2018, and again in 2019, the FDA designated psilocybin a “breakthrough therapy” for treatment-resistant depression based on preliminary clinical evidence indicating psilocybin may be substantially more effective than existing available therapies for serious or life-threatening conditions (Compass Pathways, 2018; Saplakoglu, 2019). A growing body of medical research continues to investigate psilocybin for the treatment of depression (Haikazian, et al., 2023), end of life distress (Ross, et al., 2022), and addictions (van der Meer, et al., 2023).
Parallel to medical research and industry activity has been a groundswell of political changes to laws around psilocybin mushrooms (Siegel et al., 2023). The widespread use of mushrooms and their high safety profile (Kopra, Ferris, Winstock, Young, & Rucker, 2022) has prompted activism for mushrooms to be the logical next drug to legalize after cannabis. In 2019, the city of Denver was the first city in the United States to decriminalize psilocybin mushrooms, making them the lowest law enforcement priority (Honig, 2019). Other cities and states have followed with similar legal changes (Siegel et al., 2023). Oregon enacted sweeping reform in the 2020 election, which included a framework for adult access to psilocybin with licensed guides and growers. Colorado voters enacted a similar law in 2022 allowing for both regulated access through healing centers and individual personal use.
While the policy and regulatory environments surrounding psilocybin mushrooms are quickly evolving in favor of expanding access to the public and to healthcare providers, there exists a long history of “underground” or hidden use among networks of practitioners who have long been operating in gray legal realms (Harris, 2023; Passie, 2005). Psilocybin mushrooms have an extensive history of ceremonial use among indigenous traditions dating back thousands of years (Rodríguez Arce & Winkelman, 2021) and safe use among global recreational users in modern history (Kopra, et al., 2022). Networks of modern-day practitioners are known to exist who have informally passed along the knowledge of working with this fungus and other psychedelic substances in a therapeutic or spiritual capacity (Harris, 2023; Pollan, 2018). The most commonly accepted components within the clinical application of psychedelics, including the importance of preparation, integration, and set and setting, are thought to be largely informed by the collective practice-based evidence of underground practitioners (Haden, 2020; Passie, 2005).
However, clinical trial protocols designed to align with U.S. Food and Drug Administration New Drug Application requirements for demonstrating efficacy necessarily present challenges to adequately capturing and evaluating the psychedelic drug experience (Carhart-Harris & Goodwin, 2017). Indeed, at a basic epistemological level, the question remains whether psilocybin mushroom journey facilitation even belongs in the realm of Western medicine. Meanwhile, some researchers call for a centralized body to develop best practices and gold standards stemming from clinical trial research in order to support the scaling up of clinical psychedelic use (Feduccia, et al., 2023).
As clinical study protocols for psychedelic-assisted therapies are aligned to regulatory drug approval standards and shape the future of these therapies, the experiential knowledge of underground practitioners may risk becoming increasingly disconnected from the process or sidelined in favor of strictly Western biomedical approaches (George, Hanson, Wilkinson, & Garcia-Romeu, 2022). While ample websites and gray literature, including informal manuals for psychedelic guides (Haden, 2020), exist touting best practices for safe and effective psilocybin mushroom experiences, few systematic investigations on facilitators' practices have been conducted (Brennan, Jackson, MacLean, & Ponterotto, 2021). Because of the illegality of psilocybin mushrooms, the voices and experiences of underground psilocybin practitioners are essentially excluded from meaningful public and scientific dialogue about potential uses, risks, and regulatory priorities for safe and effective practice in this area. This descriptive qualitative study therefore sought to uncover the practices and policy priorities of a hidden community of psilocybin mushroom practitioners. As the policy and regulatory landscapes surrounding these psychoactive fungi are rapidly changing in favor of increased access, this research aims to inform public and scientific dialogue by capturing the practices, perspectives, and experiences of practitioners who already incorporate psilocybin mushrooms into their therapeutic, healing, personal growth, or spiritual work. The study aims to advance knowledge around existing safe and effective psilocybin mushroom practices, situating this knowledge within the growing body of published research, and investigate community priorities regarding regulation.
Methods
Participants
Participants were English-speaking adults who live and work in a large U.S. Western state and self-reported as practitioners who have incorporated psilocybin mushrooms into their practice with others. “Incorporating psilocybin mushrooms into their practice” was defined as providing support for any phase of another person's psilocybin mushroom experience, including support with preparing for the experience, being present for the experience, and/or integration following the experience. Practitioners working from any background or within any modality, including therapeutic, healing, personal growth, spiritual or religious modalities, were eligible for participation in this study. Given the fact that psilocybin is an illegal and federally controlled substance, it was expected that practitioners recruited for this study might include licensed and unlicensed therapists, non-western healers and coaches, and facilitators, guides and sitters coming from a variety of backgrounds and training.
Recruitment involved snowball sampling, relying on a small pool of initial informants to verbally share about this research opportunity with other potential participants through their social networks. Snowball sampling has shown to be effective in accessing and encouraging participation among hidden populations that have strong established social networks (Valerio, et al., 2016). Initial informants were recruited via announcements through a local non-profit organization that provides education and networking opportunities for professionals who are interested in working with psychedelic medicines. The non-profit first circulated an email announcement about the research and posted a recruitment page on their website. Interested participants were instructed to contact a member of the study team via an encrypted messaging application (Signal Foundation, 2020). The study team member then responded with the informed consent document and an invitation to answer any questions via text or a phone conversation. Recruitment and interviews took place between April 2021 through May 2022. The final sample consisted of 17 psilocybin practitioners.
Procedures
An in-person or virtual individual interview was completed with each participant and a member of the study team. Interviews lasted approximately 60–90 min and followed a semi-structured interview guide. The interview guide asked participants to describe their past personal experiences with psilocybin mushrooms, their training and preparation for working with psilocybin mushrooms as a practitioner, practice questions related to screening and scope of work, concerns, risks, and challenging experiences as a practitioner, and interviewees' preferences and perspectives on emerging regulation around psilocybin (see Table 1 for sample interview questions). Optional demographic data were self-reported separately from participants' interviews and included: gender, age range, race/ethnicity, religious orientation, educational background, and current profession.
Psilocybin practitioner sample interview questions, N = 17
Question category | Sample interview questions |
Background with Psilocybin Mushrooms | Can you tell me about your work with psilocybin mushrooms historically? |
When and how were you personally introduced to mushrooms? | |
Training | Can you describe any formal or informal training, mentorship, or apprenticeship in relation to practicing with psilocybin? |
Practice with Psilocybin Mushrooms | Tell me about your screening process and how you make the decision to work with someone. |
In your experience, who is psilocybin for? | |
What would you consider essential practices in your work? | |
Concerns and Risks | What are your biggest concerns or challenges as a practitioner? |
What harms or adverse changes in clients have you seen? | |
Perspectives on Policy and Regulation | In your dream world, what would the psilocybin legal or regulatory landscape look like? |
What would you consider to be a bad or negative outcome for the psilocybin policy landscape over the next several years? |
For in-person interviews, participants were asked to choose a private residence or quiet public space indoors or outdoors to complete the interview. For virtual interviews, participants could choose to complete the interview over the phone or via video conference software. Participants provided verbal consent before beginning their interview and were instructed to use a pseudonym in the interview. Participants were also instructed to avoid sharing any information that could reveal the identity of their clients. All interviews were audio recorded on a handheld digital recording device and professionally transcribed (Mile High Transcription Services). To further protect participants' confidentiality, the audio recording was immediately destroyed upon transcription and within two weeks of the interview. Participants were also given the option to refuse audio recording, in which case a member of the study team took detailed written notes during the interview. The [Author's Institution] Research Integrity and Compliance Review office conducted a full board review for human subjects research and approved this study (protocol 20-10496H).
Data analysis
Professional verbatim transcriptions were uploaded into NVivo version 12 (Lumivero, 2017) for coding and analysis. A combination of deductive and inductive analysis was used with the aim of descriptively summarizing the explicit content across the experiences of practitioners (Braun & Clarke, 2006; Krippendorff, 2018). A pre-existing coding frame (Krippendorff, 2018) based on the structure of the interview guide was used to develop categories to capture the frequency and range of practitioners' experiences related to: uses of psilocybin, essential practices, screening, dosing, preparation, integration, practice concerns, and regulatory priorities. An inductive analytic approach was used to capture additional categories, not represented in the pre-existing coding frame, which emerged in the interview data (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Taken together, this analysis sought to represent explicit content from interview data in order to situate both the most frequent and the most salient descriptive categories into the context of the growing literature on psilocybin-assisted therapy.
Three independent coders each read three different transcripts to familiarize themselves with the data and met to discuss initial impressions on patterns (Braun & Clarke, 2006). The preliminary codebook resulting from this meeting consisted of 30 initial codes within the pre-existing coding frame. An additional category of “practitioner trust” also emerged through this process. The first author applied the preliminary codebook to three new transcripts in an iterative process of collapsing and creating codes. For example, the “practitioner trust” category in this stage of coding was further specified through three emergent codes: ego traps and power, relationship with the medicine, and trusting the medicine. As another example, codes capturing access and equity, respectful reciprocity, and learning communities were elaborated on within the pre-existing category of regulatory priorities. The first author then met again with the other two coders to discuss and refine the codebook. These two coders independently applied the codebook to a new set of three transcripts and noted any additional emergent categories that did not seem to capture existing codes. All three coders again met to discuss newly emerging codes and examine inter-coder agreement. Disagreements were resolved through discussion and consensus among all three coders. During this stage, all three coders re-read the data set to ascertain whether the final coding structure seemed to fit the data as a whole and to ensure no other categories or codes had been missed. Remaining transcripts were divided among the three independent coders who applied the final codebook to these transcripts.
Results are presented within the pre-existing coding structure (Krippendorff, 2018) and include rich description of the salient patterns that appeared across multiple practitioners. The frequency with which a code occurred across the sample of 17 practitioners is included when possible in order to differentiate consistent experiences of practitioners from isolated or anecdotal reports.
Results
Practitioner demographics and background
Most participants in this sample were white (76.5%), female-identified (64.7%), between ages 31 and 50 (64.7%), and non-therapists by training (58.8%) (see Table 2). Most practitioners (52.9%) had been facilitating mushroom journeys for the past 4–7 years. For the minority of participants with a formal background in therapy, this included graduate degrees in counseling, specialized trauma training, somatic psychotherapy, along with clinical experience in mental health settings. Only two practitioners had completed specific formal training in psychedelic-assisted therapy, such as in ketamine-assisted therapy or through a certificate training program. For the majority of non-therapist practitioners in this study, training spanned fields such as herbalism, end of life doula certification, holotropic breathwork, meditation, Buddhist studies, plant science, life coaching, yoga, art therapy, dance, sound healing, energy healing, and medical and first aid training.
Psilocybin practitioner demographics, N = 17
Characteristic | N (%) |
Gender | |
Woman | 11 (64.7) |
Man | 5 (29.4) |
Nonbinary | 1 (5.9) |
Age Range | |
Under 30 | 1 (5.9) |
31–40 | 5 (29.4) |
41–50 | 6 (35.3) |
51–60 | 3 (17.6) |
61+ | 2 (11.8) |
Race/Ethnicity | |
Hispanic | 1 (5.9) |
Native American | 2 (11.8) |
White | 13 (76.5) |
White Jewish | 1 (5.9) |
Therapist and Licensing Status | |
Licensed therapist | 1 (5.9) |
Non-licensed therapist | 6 (35.3) |
Not a therapist | 10 (58.8) |
Highest Level of Education | |
Bachelors degree | 5 (29.4) |
Masters degree | 6 (35.3) |
Doctoral degree | 1 (5.9) |
Other certifications, or not specified | 5 (29.4) |
Years Practicing as a Mushroom Facilitator/Guide | |
Less than 3 years | 3 (17.6) |
4–7 years | 9 (52.9) |
More than 7 years | 4 (23.5) |
“the guy who I did my own healing work with, I ended up mentoring with him for about two and a half years, with him working on me, me working on him, us working on people together. And he’s been doing this work since the ’70s. He’s not a mental health practitioner, but he’s really skilled in medicine work” (P13).
Another practitioner explained that in the so-called “underground” practitioner community, “many trainings are various apprenticeships that invent in their own small group what they think the right thing to do is […] The typical expectation is 4–5 years of personal work under the supervision of a mentor” (P7). A couple of practitioners found formal mentorship in “alternative academic programs” with University faculty who participated in psychedelic work before it was made illegal, and “what I learned from them really solidified my conviction that it takes a long time to learn how to do this well and in a healthy way” (P11). Others found mentorship and multi-year apprenticeship under indigenous medicine people in Mexico, Ecuador, or other South American communities.
Practitioner descriptions of becoming a guide
The journey to becoming a guide
“I had my first experience at nineteen […] it was a really hard journey. I ended up getting stuck in this place and thinking that I was going to be there forever […] And then when I was twenty-three I had a really positive experience […] it helped me heal like the, almost like the shadow parts of myself that I wasn’t able to get to just in recreational experiences by myself” (P13).
The remaining five practitioners reported using psilocybin as part of their healing journey with little or no prior recreational experience with mushrooms. One practitioner waited almost 15 years until their children were older before first trying psilocybin as a potential healing tool for multiple complex health problems. Soon after “I left my job like a free fall, like I can't do the same work that my body's in total rebellion against […] I came to life to be part of a solution and part of health” (P15).
From these personal histories of use, which were commonly marked by both highly difficult and profoundly healing experiences in recreational and therapeutic contexts, 13 practitioners further described when and how they “heard the call to guide” other people in their psilocybin journeys. Six practitioners explained that they initially had no intention to serve as a facilitator for other people, for example, “I wasn't like, ‘Oh I'm going to be a psychedelic sitter,’ but it's just sort of unfolded over time […] I started getting invited to medicine ceremonies [and then] I was asked to be a support person” (P10). A practitioner who had been working with herbal medicines and psychedelics for multiple decades described how, before there were guidelines on how to curate a positive psychedelic experience, they were invited to give talks on the topic and “then there would be people who would ask me if I would be a guide with them or trip with them.” In time, they decided “I really wanted to dedicate at least some of my life to helping to teach people how to use these plant medicines in a safe, sacred way so that it’s beneficial” (P4). Another five practitioners expanded their personal use of mushrooms to a professional practice by offering to facilitate sessions for their friends or supporting clients who were already using micro or macro doses of mushrooms, for example, “Being in the [mushroom] space myself gave me a window into the needs of other people in the space. So, I started reaching out to people and just offering that I would do this, that I would hold space for them” (P3). Only a couple of practitioners described experiencing a great insight or epiphany about working with psilocybin mushrooms as a professional calling and set out with intention to develop a practice as a professional psilocybin educator and guide.
Relationship and trust with the medicine
The role of the guide or facilitator was described generally by most practitioners as “holding safe space” for others to “go within.” That “safe space” was a quality of physical and energetic space wherein the practitioner played a significant role. Most important from the perspective of nearly all practitioners in this sample was their personal relationship with the medicine, practices of the guide to stay resourced and grounded, and trust in the mushroom itself to carry its own wisdom.
All practitioners described having “a personal relationship with the medicine” of psilocybin mushrooms and centering that relationship as an essential part of their providing safe and ethical spaces for others. Practitioners found it critical to “connect with the sacredness of the medicine [for themselves] and really be guided by the medicine” (P1). The personal relationship with the mushroom was also perceived as supportive of quality control, “If you haven't done that exact medicine, don't give it to others […] Don't give somebody stuff that you haven't done yourself” (P11).
“has a wisdom of its own…And that’s part of what should be honored. [Mushrooms have] taught me that they are in charge. It’s not us […] We don’t get to say like, ‘Here mushroom, do this’[…] They’re not like some scientific tool that we can control and manipulate” (P13).
With this reverence for the mushroom that is gained through repeated direct experience, practitioners lamented “amateur-type of scenarios, where the facilitator is trying to get you to feel something and direct your experience and how damaging that is” (P11). Rather, the role of a practitioner is to “kind of just get myself out of the way [because] the medicine has an agenda [and] it's a lot more intelligent than my present personality is” (P3). In practice, this might mean following “whatever instinct or impulse is showing up in someone. Just letting what wants to happen, happen. And saying yes to whatever shows up” (P1) or “breathing with them and encouraging them” (P4).
Working with psilocybin as a tool
Uses of psilocybin mushrooms
“Psilocybin is the stage after you’ve done enough personal work – it’s not the first medicine for trauma – but for when you’re stable enough and done some of your personal work and are ready for the next stage, to go into disorientation […] and deeper realms of the subconscious” (P7).
The expected “personal work” that precedes clients' readiness for psilocybin mushrooms might include traditional talk therapy, yoga, meditation, and other healing modalities that support self-awareness. As other practitioners explained, “I look for people who have already done work” (P12) and have “come to a plateau where I've taken myself as far as I can take myself” (P2) and “feel like there's something deeper that they need to get to” (P10).
“awareness comes up in the journey space, and they realize what they need to do. They start making these changes. And there's a lot of grief. There’s a lot of grief when you have to leave things behind. And yet, they're making choices that are aligned with what they really want to contribute to the world” (P1).
In this way, clients are able to explore a variety of existential and interpersonal terrain, including grief, fear of death, relational attachments, vulnerability, personal boundaries, joy, and life meaning, all of which can move clients toward “deeper relationships with yourself, the universe, with others” (P1).
Essential practices
The majority of practitioners (88.2%) placed a high degree of importance on spirituality, energy, or meditation as essential practices for their mushroom work with clients. The client session was deemed “a sacred space” (P1) where practitioners found it essential to “honor the allies from other dimensions” (P17), “honor the indigenous roots of working with the mushroom” (P1), and teach clients “that ritual delineates that this space is different than regular everyday life” (P3). Meditation, prayer, breathwork, ritual practices, invocation, and “moving energy” (P4) were all routinely employed by practitioners for this purpose.
Other essential practices specifically named by multiple practitioners included music (curated playlists, drumming, live instruments or singing; 14 practitioners), formal therapeutic practices (Internal Family Systems, Cognitive Behavioral Therapy, Gestalt; 11 practitioners), somatic practices (massage, Hakomi, body scan, somatic experiencing, dance, stretching, somatic expression; 9 practitioners), and nature-based practices or access to outdoor areas (7 practitioners).
Practices for screening, preparation, and integration
Screening
All 17 practitioners described a referral and screening process that operated primarily by word-of-mouth and through trusted referral sources of colleagues, friends, and former clients.
Due to the illegality of the work, one practitioner explained, “I don't promote it [mushroom work] […] If people text me or email me about psilocybin, I don't hardly even respond. On my website, I do not sell or have any affiliation with these medicines themselves” (P6). All practitioners reported meeting with potential clients ahead of time with varying screening practices. Most described extensive screening and intake processes that included a person's personal history, medical history, psychiatric history, family history, current medications, prior experience with psilocybin, their intention and purpose for the psilocybin experience, and their support system and any ongoing practices they have for their own inner work. In general, practitioners found that screening and preparation is “about learning about the client, their history, where they're coming from, and what's happened to them. Are they healthy? Do they have a support system? Can they hold themselves together [following ceremony]?” (P7).
Risks and contraindications during screening mentioned by clinical and non-clinical practitioners alike included a history of psychosis, dissociative identity disorder, bipolar disorder, borderline personality disorder, and narcissistic characteristics, the latter two described by one practitioner as not amenable to psychedelic work. Not all practitioners automatically screened potential clients out for past psychosis, but rather for a couple of practitioners, a person's history of psychosis “would just inform how I practice and what we do” (P1). Similarly for a history of severe trauma, “that would be an indication for me to go really slow with psilocybin and start with something else” (P1) to build up “enough emotional resources to meet it [the mushroom]” (P11).
Other risks that warranted caution for practitioners included the general impression that a client “is really imbalanced in a way that they don't know how to bring themselves back into balance” (P17), “has done no internal work and doesn't have any tools to help guide them through the process” (P2), and/or has no outside support system and is highly isolated. As one practitioner explained, “I think [clients] should have some stable tools […] because this does require a lot of surrender […] Those that are not prepared to look in the dark closet should not take something that's going to make them look in the dark closet” (P2). The decision to screen a client out of a psilocybin experience further involved the practitioner's sense of how serious a potential client is about “doing the work” as opposed to a client who is “just wanting to have an experience” (P7), “looking for the magic bullet” (P13), or “in a hurry, like they're looking for a quick fix” (P16).
Dosing and getting started
All practitioners reported arriving at dosing decisions based on a variety of factors, including the client's prior experience with altered states and psychedelics, the client's present manifestation of trauma symptoms and their trauma history, and the strain and strength of mushrooms. While six practitioners noted they are willing to facilitate macro dose journeys of 5 or more grams of dried mushrooms, other practitioners remarked they felt it unnecessary to consume macro doses to achieve therapeutic aims. Average dose ranges used by practitioners were 0.5–4 g. Nine practitioners further described supporting clients in micro dosing (0.25 g or less) as part of preparation and/or integration of higher dose mushroom journeys.
Nearly half of practitioners explained that they may not start a new client with mushrooms, preferring to introduce other altered states first. Many practitioners (41.2%) initiated altered states work with clients through MDMA, and more than a third of practitioners started with ketamine (35.3%) or micro dosing mushrooms prior to a higher dose session (35.3%). Upon screening and preparation, practitioners assessed clients' readiness for psilocybin deeming higher dose mushroom sessions as “more complex, it strips away all the defense mechanisms so that can be jolting to a person” (P7). For clients who have little or no prior altered states experiences with psychedelics, are not internally resourced, and/or have unresolved trauma, practitioners would more often “move into psilocybin” slowly over time. Consensus emerged, in particular, that “the starting place (for trauma) really needs to be elsewhere” (P10).
Preparation
Practitioners reported a general protocol involving a range of one to three preparation sessions before the medicine journey and a range of one to three integration sessions following the medicine journey. Within that, however, practitioners reported a variety of strategies for moving clients through the process. Most intensively, the cycle of preparation, medicine journey, and integration continued as a multi-year process with weekly non-medicine sessions and quarterly medicine sessions. The regularity of this pace was contrasted with clinical studies where “they do one or two sessions working on a specific trauma. But you still have the rest of your life…there are deeper and more interconnected layers to it. It's not a compartmentalized process” (P7). Several practitioners outlined protocols involving microdosing as part of the preparation process, perhaps further increasing to low “psycholytic” doses before moving into a macro dose journey. As one practitioner explained, this protocol can “clear off the first layer of gunk on a mirror before you go into a deeper session” (P10).
Education, preparation, intention, and clear boundaries and agreements were described as essential components of the pre-medicine process. Education might include giving clients a general understanding of psilocybin mushrooms' actions on the brain and body or learning about basic mindfulness techniques and body scan exercises that can help prepare for the experience. Preparation involved preparing a person's body through a healthy diet and exercise in anticipation of the medicine experience, clearing their work schedule and ensuring that all their usual daily activities were covered, and discussing the practical logistics of the medicine experience. Several practitioners emphasized their intent in the preparation phase for clients to be “sovereign” and “self-sufficient” so that they are empowered with education and fundamental skills to continue their medicine and non-medicine work of healing and growth on their own (P3). Trust, or at minimum a strong familiarity, between the practitioner and journeyer was deemed highly important alongside a clear sense of a client's intention, or “Why do you want to do this? […] really getting into the person's why” beyond simple curiosity (P2).
Despite the illegality of their work with mushrooms, many practitioners still used written informed consent agreements and liability waivers in their practice because “you want to have really clear boundaries” and put the responsibility on the client for making the “adult choice” to use mushrooms (P4). The primary boundary practitioners described discussing in advance with clients was regarding the use of touch agreements, which varied across practitioners. Some practitioners delineated to clients different types of appropriate touch, such as “nurturing touch” which could include holding their hand, stroking their head, or hugging, and “intervention touch” which could include shaking, massage, or energy work. Other practitioners reported having open-ended conversations with clients to explore “When you go in there [mushroom space], how do you want to handle touch? Do you want to have some healthy touch? Do you not?,” and emphasized the importance that clients understand that “they have power about their consent” (P11). Finally, one practitioner reported the tightest boundaries around touch, which involved no touch to journeyers outside of a hand or shoulder hold, with the added explanation that the purpose of their ceremony was solely for clients to have a safe space for an altered state experience with psilocybin, without outside intervention.
Integration
Integration was emphasized as another essential component to the overall process. Integration is a dialogue where practitioners ask “what happened, what did we learn from it, what did we get out of it, what are we doing about it, what's the action we are going to take?” (P7). Another practitioner described integration as “relevancy,” meaning “how we take that more expanded potentiation [from the mushroom experience] and ground it into our bodies and make it relevant in the 3D space” (P3). For example, clients may “have a big opening, like ‘ok, well, I fundamentally know God,’ and then what does that actually look like in your relationship with your intimate partner? And what are the challenges there?” (P10).
“People doing this work sometimes come to find themselves at odds with their current environment, [for example] everything is amazing in ceremony and then you go back home and nothing changed. You’re still alone and isolated […] [people doing this work] need to have community around them” (P7).
Even with screening and preparation, most practitioners recalled unusual difficult scenarios when a dose was too high for a person or the experience was very difficult resulting in a high degree of support required during the session and in the weeks following. In some instances, practitioners described highly rigid or controlling personality types of clients who experienced elevated levels of fear, panic, and anxiety during their mushroom session. The “massive upheaval of emotions” that followed the session sometimes required months to integrate and, according to one practitioner who has guided individuals through such difficult experiences, “this is where healing can become trauma” (P2). Other practitioners also described instances of intense mushroom experiences where clients felt ungrounded, “get stuck in a loop of a very dark place” (P17) or otherwise get so scared that “sometimes people in that case run away from it. They don't want to do it anymore” (P7). Sometimes such experiences were described as due to practitioners or clients “shortcutting” the process, for example by taking too high a dose or moving on a quick timeline because the client requested it for financial or other reasons. Other times, the practitioners viewed the difficult experience as a necessary part of the client's larger healing process, in which case appropriate follow-up was essential for the positive integration of that experience.
Practitioner priorities for emerging practice and policy
Concerns about practice
“people use this as an opportunity to push their own agenda, their sexuality, their religious values, manipulation, psychic narcissism. [I’ve seen] men using their power for seduction, when people are in a very open vulnerable state. And then women too, like, ‘Oh, but he's the leader. He's the shaman. They’ve got special powers'” (P4).
“Because after they [men] have that cathartic experience, their egos just go big, blow right up. And women don’t do that so much. Women can give birth. Women are geared [for] transformation, birthing, and new change, and death as well. Where men, not so much. And it goes to their head” (P8).
Relatedly, because of the illegal nature of mushroom work, practitioner isolation, silos, and an “element of secrecy” (P6) posed significant risks for both practitioners and clients to maintain safe and ethical practice. The lack of “communities of practitioners that have open exchange and open dialogue” (P10) and are “checking in with each other” (P17) for accountability and supervision was described as feeding an environment of poor ethics and risks of abuse.
Finally, the fourth primary area of concern centered on the possibility of psilocybin mushrooms being shaped as a profit-driven “pharmacological drug” that becomes overly expensive considering the fact that “you can pick it from a cow patty and eat it” (P3). A concept of the “pop up shaman” also fell into this category of concern, referencing newly entering practitioners who have “no substance, no skill, no training, just sort of like [culturally] appropriative knowledge and they just started a [mushroom] company” (P15).
Priorities for regulation
Practitioners' concerns connected to their stated priorities for the evolving policy environment. Issues of safety, ethical guidelines, and a basic understanding of trauma were clear forerunners as targets of education and regulation for new legal markets. Participant 16 explained that “this work requires a level of personal and spiritual maturity and experience with [mushrooms] that is pretty essential,” as participant 10 elaborated how, because of this fact, “sending everybody through the psychedelic guide mill [of education and training]” will not ensure effective practitioners. As practitioners themselves oriented their work with mushrooms in myriad ways, they acknowledged there is “no one right way” nor “one standardized training program” that could sufficiently ensure effectiveness (P3, P4). In reality, “standardization is a word that doesn't even fit in the experience. It's kind of like trying to fit an ocean in a postage stamp. You can't” (P17). One point of unanimous agreement regarding training was that it is “imperative that practitioners themselves have experiences with these medicines…many many experiences” (P6) as there is “no way to theoretically know this” (P7).
While practitioners were mostly unable or unwilling to articulate specific policy recommendations within the various policy initiatives unfolding nationwide, a few broad principles clearly emerged (see Table 3). Practitioners considered psilocybin to be “an Earth medicine” with the foundation of good practice based in “respectful reciprocity,” which entailed a personal connection to natural and mystical worlds, and for some practitioners, financial compensation to indigenous and allied groups. Issues of professional control, commodification, access, and equity were central to practitioners' concerns and priorities for all forms of evolving regulation. No one existing profession, according to this sample of practitioners, has the skill, paradigm, or expertise to “take ownership over” mushroom work, but rather the field needs to define a new profession marked by “cross functional learning between these different groups” in order to effectively adopt a new way of engaging therapeutic or healing work (P10). In contrast to professional territorialism and bureaucratic rules, practitioners expressed a preference for communities of learning, opportunities for mentorship, and councils of elders that can sustain the relational and mystical essences of mushroom work, alongside written guidelines to provide basic guardrails for safety and ethics.
Policy priorities of psilocybin practitioners, n = 17
Policy priorities | Sample quotes from practitioners |
Respectful Reciprocity | “Most people who have experienced this work develop a connection and relationship with the natural world, a respectful reciprocity…One of the problems I think about too much regulation is like saying, ‘We don't trust you with this medicine. We're going to take this from you and do it this way’” (P1). |
“Every time I have a ceremony with a person, I donate money to an eco-organization or an indigenous tribe…I think reciprocity is to be a massive part of this work…We have to change the way we, as people, see our impact on the world and the way that we're connected to it… I would love for that to be an ethics policy for people who are providing” (P12). | |
Access & Equity | “Historically, big money has come in and corrupted this type of thing and created barriers of entry to individuals…To allow big business to come in and commodify the landscape, I think that would be a big loss. [If] we don't allow the indigenous voice to reemerge in our cultural conversation, that would be a big loss” (P3). |
“Then you're starting to talk about medical regulations and government regulations and who has the privilege of growing it and who has the privileges of taking it and sitting with it…[This] feels like an old paradigm when in fact, these medicines are asking us, in my opinion, to create a new world. What world do we want to live in? And do we want to create a world that is just like trying to fit into an old system that's broken?” (P10). | |
“What most concerns me is that it won't be defined as a different profession… it becomes a political power struggle among those who want to control it. Usually those who want to control it are not those participating in it or have lifelong experience with it. Being co-opted by industry, professional guides, medical establishment, others who want to make it their own” (P7). | |
Learning Communities | “I actually think it's community that keeps people in check and not so much a bunch of laws…this is an ancient tradition and it was most likely held by elders who determined that other people were of the right heart and mindset to do [this work]. And I still think we could do that” (P2). |
“One of my concerns is like, Who's my lifeguard? Who can I check with and make sure that I'm still on the right path, that my ego is not getting in the way, that I'm being a clear channel in the work, that I'm doing this in a good way, that I'm not getting stuck in patterns or ways that I don't see or my own blind spots?” (P17). | |
“I think it is necessary to have rules – for lack of better word, academies of learned individuals where guidelines can be promoted…in an ideal situation, those guidelines would come from a group of people that are on the medicine path that are taking this very seriously” (P3). |
Discussion
Findings in context of the existing literature
Interviews with 17 experienced psilocybin mushroom practitioners working in the so-called “underground” prior to legalization or regulation initiatives in a western U.S. state uncovered essential practices around screening, preparation, and integration and the perceived significance of the relationship between a practitioner and the mushroom as a medicine. Practitioners relied on a variety of modalities to maximize the healing potential of their work with mushrooms, primarily spiritual and energy-based practices as well as more traditional therapeutic techniques. All practitioners described lengthy screening procedures and a general preference to proceed slowly toward high dose psilocybin mushroom work, reflecting their efforts to ensure the readiness and safety of clients before, during, and after a mushroom journey. As legal environments emerge in the United States, practitioners voiced concern about the growing popularity of mushroom practice among Western healthcare professionals and others who might not have a deep personal calling to the medicine, a deep personal relationship with the medicine, or a sense of respectful reciprocity with this “Earth medicine.” Practitioners deemed these three elements of “calling,” “relationship” and “reciprocity” to be critical to safe and respectful practice with mushrooms.
Benefits of psilocybin mushroom work reported by practitioners ranged from clinically relevant reduction in symptoms of depression, obsessive compulsive disorder, and addictions to greater self-knowledge, reduced death anxiety, and a greater ability to experience joy. Practitioners balanced these benefits with potential risks that largely related to moving too quickly into a high dose mushroom session without adequate preparation or internal resourcing. Even in well curated physical settings, practitioners acknowledged the potential for participants to become overwhelmed or unprepared to go into the sometimes “dark scary places” that psilocybin mushrooms can open up. Clinical trials of MDMA-assisted therapy have also reported participant worsening due to the flood of psychic material, beyond the presenting trauma, that can surface during and following a medicine session (Mustafa, et al., 2024). Without skilled support and follow-up care, psychedelic-assisted therapy as an attempt to heal trauma can become another source of trauma. Also aligned with clinical trial evidence, practitioners in this study reported that individuals with personality disorders may experience poor or negative outcomes with psilocybin mushrooms (Marrocu, et al., 2024). Practitioners added that individuals who have severe trauma backgrounds should proceed slowly and cautiously with psilocybin mushrooms.
Similar to clinical trial protocols (Chisamore, et al., 2024), underground practitioners described holding one to three preparation and integration sessions each. However, practitioners also explained how integration extends far beyond those time and space limitations. For some practitioners, this meant having more frequent informal check-ins with clients in the days and weeks following a journey session and carrying a holistic understanding of how medicine experiences fit back into clients' overall lives, as opposed to a focus on decreasing specific symptoms. Supporting clients in connecting to a sense of community was also a critical component of ethical psychedelic care. Interestingly, even while integration is traditionally perceived to be an essential component of the overall psychedelic therapy process (Greń, Tylš, Lasocik, & Kiraly, 2023), research evidence on the role and impact of integration as part of psychedelic treatment is scant (Goodwin, Malievskaia, Fonzo, & Nemeroff, 2024). As Goodwin et al. (2024) suggests, in a clinical context, the use of the term “therapy” alongside psychedelics might not capture the true mechanism of change facilitated by the psychedelic experience, which according to controlled trials, may be largely due to the drug itself. Given practitioners' reportedly enlarged scope of work expanding beyond the accepted norms and boundaries of Western therapy, the question emerges whether psilocybin-assisted therapy as conceived in controlled trials is qualitatively different from real-world psilocybin mushroom practice, even while appearing structurally similar in multiple regards.
The current body of research into mechanisms for positive therapeutic change with psilocybin treatment focus on such things as psilocybin's role in promoting neuroplasticity and cognitive flexibility, the role of set and setting in the psychedelic encounter, and the relative importance of nondirective approaches versus specific therapeutic modalities (Cavarra, Falzone, Ramaekers, Kuypers, & Mento, 2022). Psychedelic researchers have also acknowledged and investigated the potential significance of patients reaching a mystical-type experience as part of enduring positive outcomes in psychedelic treatment (Ko, Knight, Rucker, & Cleare, 2022). Underground practitioners in this study, however, generally de-emphasized the endpoint of clients achieving a mystical-type experience, and rather, highlighted the importance of the guide being “in a relationship” with mushroom medicine that is marked by trust and respect of its mystical qualities. Consensus emerged that having multiple personal firsthand experiences with psilocybin mushrooms was critical in this regard. This consensus may stem from traditional practices with plant and fungi medicines in indigenous communities where a lengthy initiation based in self-study is widely assumed and ubiquitous (Metzner, 1998). In western societies, hybridized neoshamanic therapeutic modalities began to emerge in the 1950s and 1960s that blended western psychotherapy lenses with tenets of indigenous medicine practices. The underground communities of practitioners known to exist today may continue to hold the values and structures embedded in these legacies in which “it is widely recognized that the personal experience of the therapist or guide is an essential prerequisite of effective psychedelic psychotherapy” (Metzner, 1998, pp. 335–336). Once obvious, this is a contested question in the field today as access to psychedelic therapies continues to expand to more mainstream healthcare arenas (Emmerich & Humphries, 2023; Hendricks and Nichols, 2023). Practitioners in this study appeared to value the phenomenological experience and epistemic significance of their own psilocybin mushroom journeys for better supporting their clients. More specifically, practitioners situated the significance of their personal experience as essential to competencies of practice, including respect and humility in relation to a vast Mystery and trust in each person's unique journey with psilocybin mushrooms (Phelps, 2017). Debate continues on this question of the significance of practitioners' firsthand experience with psychedelic medicine, with some researchers concerned that requiring trainee therapists to undergo a psychedelic experience is not empirically or ethically supported (Emmerich & Humphries, 2023). In contrast, the present sample of practitioners suggested it would be unethical to facilitate psilocybin mushroom journeys without such experience.
Finally, while researchers and policy makers seek to standardize psychedelic therapy protocols by building an evidence base on the role of key treatment variables (Feduccia, et al., 2023), practitioners in this study insisted that standardization of psilocybin mushroom medicine work, beyond essential ethical and safety guidelines, is not possible or desirable. The push towards standardization was perceived by practitioners as an attempt to control an animate force that has a wisdom of its own. From the perspective of psilocybin mushrooms being a sacred medicine, as stemming from traditional indigenous practices (Frenopoulo and Goulart, 2022; Metzner, 1998), the role of the guide is to be in a humble relationship with the wisdom of that animate force and “holding space” for clients to also develop a relationship with it. If taken seriously, the relational and transcendental mystical qualities of psilocybin treatment might encourage scientific inquiry into novel epistemological territories free from the limitations imposed by a priori materialist perspectives.
Limitations and future directions
The findings from this study should be interpreted in light of several limitations. Our sample was small, mostly white, female, over 40 years old, living in a single western U.S. state, and fairly experienced with facilitating psilocybin mushroom journeys. Given their relatively privileged identities, participants volunteering for this study might feel greater perceived safety in speaking out about illegal activities they are engaged in. It remains unknown whether practitioners holding more marginalized identities or who work specifically with marginalized communities may have different practices, concerns, and priorities to share regarding mushroom facilitation. This single, localized group of practitioners appeared to be highly conscientious in regards to providing safe and ethical spaces for psilocybin mushroom work, which may not reflect underground practitioner communities more broadly. Given the self-report nature of this study, and the fact that the research team had no contact with clients, it was not possible to verify the effectiveness of the practices described by practitioners or if clients experienced actual benefits or harms. Over half of practitioners were not clinically trained, yet still implemented screening protocols assessing for risk based on mental health diagnoses and trauma history. Further, only a few practitioners described studying under a specific lineage of psilocybin practice. The practices and perspectives appearing in this sample do not represent the living lineages of practice found in Mexico or historical lineages that can be found all over the world with psilocybin mushrooms. However, uplifting the voices of persons who have maintained a therapeutic or spiritual practice with mushrooms despite prohibition represents a significant contribution to the ongoing dialogue about safe and effective practices in this emerging legal landscape. The high degree of concern and care expressed by practitioners in this study may be particularly valuable to inform regulatory and policy implications.
Basic elements of psilocybin therapy, including screening, preparation, and integration, appear as consistent practices across underground practitioners in this study and accepted clinical trial protocols. Less clear between underground practice and research queries is the role of transcendental mysticism and facilitators' own direct personal experience with the medicine as integral to a best practice paradigm. It also remains unclear how amenable psilocybin-assisted therapy is to clinical standardization. As legal environments create increased access to psilocybin mushrooms, underground practitioners in this study urged the defining of a new field of professional practice that could hold clinical skill sets along with expanded notions of 1) holistic healing that extends beyond the individual self, 2) mystical relationality as inherent to the process, and 3) community-based learning and mentorship opportunities to guard ethical, non-standardized practice. Taking its mystical qualities seriously, practitioners in this study suggested that the individual Western psychology model might not be expansive enough to capture everything that is happening in the unseen and unknown realms of psilocybin mushroom work. To achieve the promise of psychedelic medicines to radically transform approaches to mental health and well-being (Nutt and Carhart-Harris, 2021), perhaps the task of building a new profession of psychedelic practitioners must model such transformation. For example, this might involve developing practice expectations around respectful reciprocity, defined as an ethos of giving back rather than of extraction and commodification. State and federal regulatory bodies might consider developing broad guidelines for safe and ethical practice over strict standardization, and incentivize the growth of grassroots communities of practitioners for continued learning and accountability mechanisms. Regulatory bodies should incorporate the knowledge of indigenous and community practitioners who have extensive experience doing their own self and communal work with psilocybin mushrooms. Future research could investigate priorities of underground practitioners by, for example, examining the role of the facilitator's own personhood and experience with mushroom therapy as opposed to a focus on manualized therapeutic techniques that facilitators can use interchangeably. Ecologically valid research that reflects real-world practices are needed to supplement results from controlled efficacy trials in order to shape future practice and policy in a well-rounded way.
Funding sources
No funding from any source was received to support this study.
Authors' contribution
All listed authors contributed to the concept, design, and implementation of this research. Authors SH, LT and PP independently coded interview transcripts. First author (SH) drafted most of the final manuscript with portions drafted by RC. All authors reviewed the final manuscript prior to submission and take public responsibility for the content.
Conflict of interest
Three authors (SH, LT, and DR) serve as volunteer Board Members of the non-profit educational organization, The Nowak Society. No authors have any other conflicts to declare.
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