Author:
Kata Baditzné Pálvölgyi Eötvös Loránd University, Hungary

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Abstract

This paper reports on a two-part research project, conducted in order to see how Hungarian learners with at least vantage level of Spanish realize melodic peaks in their Spanish utterances. First, we are focusing on the tonal and distributional characteristics of melodic peaks, taking into consideration the proportion of the rise in f0 with respect to the previous syllable and examining if the affected syllable is lexically stressed. Second, the range of the tonal rise until the first peak of the utterance is analyzed. The method applied in both cases is Cantero Serena’s Prosodic Analysis of Speech (2019), which represents intonation by objectively comparable standardized melodic curves. The differences found in the speech of Hungarian learners as compared to native Spanish speakers have not proved to be significant in the aspects analyzed here. The main finding of the research is that native Spanish speakers tend to realize the first peak of their declarative sentences as the highest f0 point of the utterance, whereas this is less typical in the oral production of Hungarian learners of Spanish.

Abstract

This paper reports on a two-part research project, conducted in order to see how Hungarian learners with at least vantage level of Spanish realize melodic peaks in their Spanish utterances. First, we are focusing on the tonal and distributional characteristics of melodic peaks, taking into consideration the proportion of the rise in f0 with respect to the previous syllable and examining if the affected syllable is lexically stressed. Second, the range of the tonal rise until the first peak of the utterance is analyzed. The method applied in both cases is Cantero Serena’s Prosodic Analysis of Speech (2019), which represents intonation by objectively comparable standardized melodic curves. The differences found in the speech of Hungarian learners as compared to native Spanish speakers have not proved to be significant in the aspects analyzed here. The main finding of the research is that native Spanish speakers tend to realize the first peak of their declarative sentences as the highest f0 point of the utterance, whereas this is less typical in the oral production of Hungarian learners of Spanish.

1 Introduction

The present study deals with the realization of melodic peaks in the spontaneous speech of Hungarian learners of Spanish (HLS), as compared to the native Spanish realization. Dissimilarities are supposed to occur between the native Spanish realization and the one by HLS, as the distribution of lexical stress is different in the two languages, and as Hungarians are reported to produce uncommon stress and melodic patterns according to native Spanish speakers (Baditzné Pálvölgyi 2019).

Word stress is the result of the prominence given to a syllable compared to the rest of the syllables in the word (Hualde et al. 2010, 103) by means of changes in the fundamental frequency, intensity or duration with respect to its context (Quilis 1999, 385). Therefore, the three prosodic characteristics that can play a prominent role in accent perception are tone, intensity and duration, but until today there is no complete unanimity in the literature on whether the stressed Spanish syllable is pronounced in a higher tone, with longer duration or with greater intensity compared to its adjacent context. According to Navarro Tomás (1964), the stressed syllable is marked by greater intensity, according to Llisterri et al. (2003), by higher fundamental frequency (f0), and the latter is complemented by longer duration according to Ortega-Llebaria (2006).

In this study I am focusing on the comparison of the intonational aspect of stress realization regardless of the position of the word stress within the utterance. I will analyze two corpora to determine what relative values of tone characterize melodic peaks as compared to the previous syllables, since these prosodic characteristics can only be interpreted in relation to their environment. Though the most comprehensive literature on contemporary Spanish intonation includes works in the autosegmental ToBI framework (Prieto et al. 2010–2014) or as part of the AMPER project (Atlas Multimedia de Prosodia del Espacio Románico, cf. e.g. Dorta 2013), in the present paper Cantero Serena’s approach (2002) is followed (for the reasons of this choice, see Section 3), in which melodic analysis is based on the representation of tonal movements between syllables, expressed in terms of percentages.

Hungarian and Spanish stress systems are radically different in the sense that Hungarian, as opposed to Spanish, has a word-initial fixed position for lexical stress. In Spanish, the location of the stressed syllable is most typically the penultimate one (Delattre 1965), but in lexical words it must fall on one of the last three syllables of the word (the Three Syllable Window Restriction, cf. Alcoba & Murillo 1988, 153). This implies that for Hungarian learners of Spanish, this constitutes a challenging area of L2 language learning, as only disyllabic Spanish words are typically stressed on their first syllables.

In Spanish, melodic peaks characteristically occur on the lexically stressed syllable or the one after it (cf. Face 2001; Beckham et al. 2002). The elements of the intonational contour according to Cantero Serena & Font-Rotchés (2007) are the following: anacrusis, body and final inflection (FI). By anacrusis they mean the unstressed syllables preceding the first peak, which is normally on the first stressed vowel in the contour but can also be displaced to the left or to the right from the first lexical stress. They define as body the syllables between the first peak and the last stressed vowel in the contour (the latter also known as the nucleus), from which the final inflection (with the word ‘inflection’ referring to ‘tonal change’) begins, see Fig. 1. There is a parallel between this structure and the classical British division of English intonational phrases into prehead, head (anacrusis), body, nucleus and tail (final inflection), cf. Kingdon (1958), and also with the first boundary tone (anacrusis), pitch accents (body, a H* associated to the syllable bearing the first peak) and the combination of the last pitch accent, the phrase accent and the final boundary tone (final inflection) in the autosegmentalist terminology (cf. Pierrehumbert 1980).

Fig. 1.
Fig. 1.

The structure of the intonational contour (Cantero Serena & Font-Rotchés 2007), exemplified by a sample sentence ¿Entonces puede firmarme esto? ‘Can you sign it to me, then?’

Citation: Acta Linguistica Academica 69, 1; 10.1556/2062.2021.00436

Thus, there are two important tonal targets that separate these three parts, the first peak and the nucleus. Typically, the first peak is on the first lexical stress and the body is a continuous descent (declination). The final inflection starts from the nucleus. In declarative sentences, the shape of the intonation contour reminds us of a suspension bridge (cf. Bolinger 1961), in which internal word stresses are not given melodic prominence, only the first and the last ones (figuring as the first peak and the nucleus, respectively), or as a continuously descending melody from the first peak on, with internal melodic peaks on or immediately after stressed syllables (cf. Chela-Flores 2003) (Fig. 2).

Fig. 2.
Fig. 2.

Typical Spanish declarative utterances and their characteristic melody in European Spanish (Bolinger 1961; Chela-Flores 2003, 260)

Citation: Acta Linguistica Academica 69, 1; 10.1556/2062.2021.00436

The most prominent rise in declarative sentences thus characterizes the first peak, which is itself the highest point of the utterance. In European Spanish, this rise to the first syllable may reach up to 40%, as compared to the utterance-initial syllable and is followed by declination until the last stressed syllable, from where either there is a moderate rise (not reaching more than 15%), or a fall (up to 40%, cf. Fig. 3).

Fig. 3.
Fig. 3.

Dispersion margins of non-emphatic non-interrogative unsuspended patterns (Cantero Serena & Font-Rotchés 2007, 73)

Citation: Acta Linguistica Academica 69, 1; 10.1556/2062.2021.00436

Former research has shown that stress in the oral production of even advanced level (B2) Hungarian learners of Spanish is in fact one of the areas most criticized by native Spanish speakers (Baditzné Pálvölgyi 2019). As a possible trait of negative transfer, A2–B1 level Hungarian learners of Spanish often realize melodic peaks on the first syllables of lexical words even when in Spanish that syllable would receive no stress (Baditzné 2018). This is shown in Fig. 4, in which the first syllables of picar [piˈkar] (‘to pick up’), comidas [koˈmiðas] (‘food-PL’) and terminar [termiˈnar] (‘to finish’) constitute melodic peaks, although they are not stressed in the target language.

Fig. 4.
Fig. 4.

Melodic peaks on the first (unstressed) syllables in a Spanish utterance realized by a B1-level Hungarian learner of Spanish (Baditzné 2018): Eh siempre solía eh picar entre entre las comidas y y será muy difícil terminar esto ‘Eh, I always used to snack between the meals and it will be difficult to stop it’

Citation: Acta Linguistica Academica 69, 1; 10.1556/2062.2021.00436

Moreover, although in Spanish declarative utterances the initial rise up to the first peak can reach as much as 40% from the utterance-initial syllable, HLS tend to realize the tonal movement up to the first peak with much lower percentage of melodic rise (43.5% of the utterances were even realized without a perceivable rise up to the first stressed syllable, cf. Baditzné 2018) or even with a fall from the first syllable, cf. Fig. 5.

Fig. 5.
Fig. 5.

Lack of initial rise to the first peak in the Spanish utterances of HLS (the corpus comes from Baditzné 2018). The utterance Quiero regalarte una tableta de chocolate means ‘I'd like to give you a chocolate bar as a gift’

Citation: Acta Linguistica Academica 69, 1; 10.1556/2062.2021.00436

The present study deals with the tonal peaks in the spontaneous speech of at least Vantage Level (B2 according to the Common European Framework of Reference for Languages, CEFRL, Council of Europe 2001) Hungarian learners of Spanish, in order to test whether B2 level Hungarian learners of Spanish still produce inadequate melodic peaks in their spoken Spanish. Based on what we have presented so far, if B2 level HLS sound unnatural in their stress realization to the Spanish ear when speaking Spanish, in the present study I am examining the following research questions:

  1. do HLS realize tonal peaks differently from the native Spanish realization?

  2. do HLS realize anacruses differently from the native Spanish realization?

In order to answer the research questions, a corpus of 100 European Spanish and 100 utterances by Hungarian learners of Spanish was compiled and investigated from the point of view of the realization of melodic peaks in declarative utterances.

2 Corpus

The native Spanish corpus was obtained from the ‘Map Task’ activities (in which one speaker has to give instructions to the other how to get from point ‘A’ to point ‘B’) from the Interactive Atlas of Romance intonation, compiled by Prieto et al. (2010–2014). It contains only spontaneous speech samples from 16 informants (3 men and 13 women), taken out from recordings with the total duration of 51 min and 23 s. Only monolingual areas were chosen for the analysis, thus leaving out territories such as Catalunya, Valencia or the Balearic Islands (Catalan-speaking zones), Galicia (Galician-speaking zone), the Basque Country and La Rioja (Basque-speaking zones), because these regions could have shown influences of other peninsular languages. The corpus of Hungarian learners of Spanish consists of 16 audio recordings produced in a soundproof room. The total duration was of 80 min 53 s of a Map Task activity, in which 16 speakers (2 men and 14 women) had to inform the interviewer about the correct itinerary. All the Hungarian informants were University students learning Spanish Language and Literature in Budapest, with a B2 level proficiency in Spanish. The following Table 1 sums up the data related to the informants.

Table 1.

The informants' data

Origin Speakers Sex Age Duration Origin Speakers Sex Age Duration
Gijón Speaker 1 f 24 5:49′ Hungary Speaker 1 f 20 7:28′
Speaker 2 f 22 Hungary Speaker 2 f 19 6:16′
Oviedo Speaker 1 f 20 4:52′ Hungary Speaker 3 f 21 7:05′
Speaker 2 f 25 Hungary Speaker 4 f 22 4:37′
Cabezón de la Sal Speaker 1 f 31 11:50′ Hungary Speaker 5 f 21 3:36′
Speaker 2 f 31 Hungary Speaker 6 f 21 4:26′
Madrid Speaker 1 f 33 14:00′ Hungary Speaker 7 f 22 4:22′
Speaker 2 f 37 Hungary Speaker 8 m 41 6:56′
Canary Islands Speaker 1 f 38 4:41′ Hungary Speaker 9 m 21 5:38′
Speaker 2 m 38 Hungary Speaker 10 f 25 4:31′
Jaén Speaker 1 f 22 4:14′ Hungary Speaker 11 f 20 6:04′
Speaker 2 m 21 Hungary Speaker 12 f 22 5:07′
Constantina Speaker 1 f 23 2:42′ Hungary Speaker 13 f 20 3:16′
Speaker 2 f 22 Hungary Speaker 14 f 21 4:01′
J. de la Frontera Speaker 1 f 41 3:15′ Hungary Speaker 15 f 21 4:16′
Speaker 2 m 46 Hungary Speaker 16 f 25 3:14′
Age (years; mean) 29.7 Age (years; mean) 22.6
ST.D. 7.37 ST.D. 14.8
Utterances (total) 100 Utterances (total) 100

In both corpora, only declarative utterances of at least three syllables were taken into consideration.

3 Methodology

The theoretical approach is based on Cantero Serena (2002) and his Prosodic Analysis of Speech (PAS, Cantero Serena 2019). According to him, intonation must be interpreted strictly as the succession of relevant f0 variations and it acts at three levels – the prelinguistic, the linguistic and the paralinguistic one. Marking stress by melodic means is part of the prelinguistic level of intonation. At the prelinguistic level, the only function of intonation is segmentation of speech into units, without conveying any additional meaning. This level is the one that is closely connected to ‘foreign’ accent, as non-native segmentation patterns automatically trigger the perception of speakers as foreigners. At the purely linguistic level, intonation contributes to the meaning of the utterance in the sense that it can express three aspects: whether it is interrogative, ‘finished’ (not followed immediately by another utterance) or emphatic. Other meanings such as ‘rage’ or ‘irony’ are not expressed merely by intonational means, as they pertain to the paralinguistic level of intonation and are complemented by other prosodic devices, such as duration or intensity. Thus, listeners can only identify if the intonation of an utterance is emphatic, not neutral; but whether it expresses rage, for instance, or other emotion, depends on other prosodic or even non-linguistic factors, such as gestures.

This study deals with prelinguistic intonational phenomena, such as the presence and the position of melodic peaks in utterances and their relation to stressed syllables. A peak is a tonal movement in the melodic curve with a rise of at least 10% as compared to the previous tonal unit (this is the Spanish threshold of perception, according to Font-Rotchés & Mateo 2011). In order to decide whether a tonal movement reaches this value, we must standardize the melodic curves, so that the contours can be objectively comparable.

In the following section the phases of standardization are discussed briefly. In Cantero Serena’s PAS model, the f0 values in case of each syllable are first identified using an acoustic analysis program such as Praat (Boersma & Weenink 2020) and then are standardized in order to obtain objectively comparable melodic patterns.

The first phase of the PAS analysis guarantees that we get rid of irrelevant micromelodic variations, by the reduction of each syllable to a characteristic tonal value. In case of tonal inflections within syllables, the extreme values of f0 are taken into account. In Fig. 6, we can see that in the utterance Vas a pasar una casita ‘You will pass by a small house’, the syllable a (a preposition) is characterized by 244 Hz at the beginning, and the f0 value measured at its endpoint is of 211 Hz. It means that there is a tonal instability within this syllable, so we cannot take its f0 value measured at the centre of the syllabic nucleus, but the two extreme values must be taken into account.

Fig. 6.
Fig. 6.

A spectrogram of the Spanish utterance Vas a pasar una casita ‘You will pass by a small house’ (the text is my addition), in which the second syllable is characterized by an inner inflection; its highest f0 value is 244 Hz (at the beginning) and the lowest f0 value is 211 Hz (at the end)

Citation: Acta Linguistica Academica 69, 1; 10.1556/2062.2021.00436

In this case, both tonal values are represented in the curve, by inserting a dot within the syllable, in order to indicate that there is an inner inflection within the syllable. The standardized contour is represented by a line that starts with an arbitrary value of 100% and anchors in each syllable, which is itself characterized by a percentage based on its tonal position as compared to the previous syllable. If the syllable has a lower f0 value, it is a negative percentage, and if it is higher than the previous syllable, it is a positive one. In case of our previous utterance, the first syllable va (literally ‘go’), with 210 Hz, is given the arbitrary value of 100 in the standardized curve, and the next value (of 244 Hz) is given 116 in the standardized curve, as 244 Hz is 16% higher than 211 Hz (cf. Fig. 7).

Fig. 7.
Fig. 7.

The absolute and the standardized f0 values of the utterance Vas a pasar una casita ‘You will pass by a small house’

Citation: Acta Linguistica Academica 69, 1; 10.1556/2062.2021.00436

Both curves (the absolute one and the standardized copy) are melodically identical, though in order to validate whether the standardized copy sounds the same as the original, it can be synthesized in Praat and submitted to a perceptive test. If correction is needed, it can be realized as a final phase. The standardized curve thus ensures that the described melodies are objectively comparable to each other, regardless of the individual tonal characteristics of the informants; what matters are the proportions of the tonal movements (cf. Cantero Serena & Font-Rotchés 2020).

Contour standardization was first done by using semitones in the ‘Dutch School’, also known as the IPO model, cf. e.g. ’t Hart et al. (1990), followed later by various researches (Adriaens 1991; Beaugendre 1994; Odé & van Heuven 1994). In Spanish, Garrido (1991, 1996) and Estruch et al. (2007) worked with automatic stylization methods. The percentages used by the PAS model can show more than the autosegmental labels by themselves would, as they can also express illocution in some determined cases (in Spanish, for example, an utterance-final rise of over 80% is decoded by listeners as an interrogative pattern). The model was first applied to the intonation of Spanish (Cantero Serena et al. 2005; Cantero Serena & Font-Rotchés 2007; Font-Rotchés & Mateo 2011), and later it has been extended to the study of intonation in other languages as well, such as Catalan (Font-Rotchés 2007, 2008, 2009) and Chinese (Kao 2011). In Hungarian, a similar analysis was carried out in Olaszy and Koutny’s investigation (2001), also based on percentages and stylized contours, but for them, the first value (100%) is not an arbitrary number, but the first abstract f0 value of declarative sentences. Yes-no questions start at 80% as compared to this value (Olaszy & Koutny 2001, 182–183). The model has also been applied to the description of the of interlanguage intonation, for instance the Spanish spoken by Brazilians (Fonseca & Cantero Serena 2011), Italians (Devís 2011), Swedes (Martorell 2011) or Hungarians (Baditzné Pálvölgyi 2011, 2012, 2018, 2019).

4 Results

Based on what has been discussed so far, the object of this investigation is peak realization in the case of HLS. In other words, the research questions of this study are whether, similarly to B1 students, (1) B2 level HLS still transfer their Hungarian stress patterns to Spanish words, by giving melodic prominence to word-initial syllables, even if they are unstressed in Spanish, and if (2) B2 level Hungarian learners of Spanish realize Spanish stressed syllables with perceivable melodic prominence if the syllable is not word-initial.

In order to answer these questions, let us analyze first the distribution of tonal peaks in both corpora (cf. Table 2):

Table 2.

The distribution of tonal peaks with respect to stressed syllables in both corpora

Spanish HLS
Peaks (total per 100 utterances) 246 (100%) 299 (100%)
Peaks immediately before stressed syllables 27 (11%) 35 (12%)
Peaks on stressed syllables 76 (31%) 93 (31%)
Peaks immediately after stressed syllables 93 (38%) 120 (40%)
Peaks in monosyllabic words 48 (20%) 51 (17%)
Word-initial peaks on unstressed syllables in polysyllabic words 39 (16%) 33 (11%)

Not surprisingly, in Spanish, the typical peak position in an utterance coincides with the stressed syllable or with the one immediately following it. As we can see in Table 2, there are no considerable differences between the two corpora in the proportion of different peak locations with respect to the position of stress, because Hungarian learners of Spanish produced melodic peaks in almost the same proportion in each category as the native Spanish speakers did. This means that, contrary to what has been attested in former research with B1 level Hungarian learners of Spanish (Baditzné 2018), Spanish melodic stress patterns are reproduced quite adequately in the case of B2 level students. Also, it is remarkable that the average values of tonal movements immediately to the stressed syllables and also the mean values of tonal movements from the stressed syllable to the immediately following one practically coincide in the two corpora; statistical testing revealed no significant difference in the means (f0 values in %, with an added constant, were log-transformed for the purposes of statistical testing; in both cases the Mann-Whitney test was applied in SPSS) (Figs 8 and 9).

Fig. 8.
Fig. 8.

Boxplots representing the tonal movements to the stressed syllables (extreme outliers, < Q1 − 3 * IQR and > Q3 + 3 * IQR, were removed from the plot). Mann-Whitney U = 38,245, Z = −0.296, P = 0.768

Citation: Acta Linguistica Academica 69, 1; 10.1556/2062.2021.00436

Fig. 9.
Fig. 9.

Boxplots representing the tonal movements from the stressed syllables (extreme outliers, < Q1 − 3 * IQR and > Q3 + 3 * IQR, were removed from the plot). Mann-Whitney U = 43,449.5, Z = −1.236, P = 0.217

Citation: Acta Linguistica Academica 69, 1; 10.1556/2062.2021.00436

We have not found considerable differences between the two corpora as far as peak location is concerned, but now let us take a closer look at the first peaks within the utterances, the properties of the anacruses. As it has already been mentioned, in Spanish declarative utterances, the melody until the first peak (usually coinciding with the first stressed syllable) is rising, it can reach up to 40%, and the first peak is the highest tonal point of the utterance. Table 3 sums up our results concerning the melodic properties of the anacruses in both corpora.

Table 3.

The melodic properties of anacruses in both corpora

Properties Spanish HLS
Anacrusis % (mean) 14.75 8
First peak (total: 100) on the utterance-initial syllable 39 49
on an utterance-initial stressed syllable 5 15
on an utterance-initial unstressed syllable 34 34
on an unstressed syllable before the first stressed syllable 40 37
on the first stressed syllable 17 29
on another stressed syllable after the first stressed syllable 10 4
on the unstressed syllable immediately following a stressed one 19 14
on an unstressed syllable not immediately following a stressed one 13 10
on an unstressed syllable (of a polysyllabic unstressed word) 1 5
Height of the first peak Spanish HLS
The first peak is the highest point of the utterance 45 17

We can see that in case of HLS, the mean value for the tonal rise in the anacruses is slightly lower than in the native Spanish corpus (cf. also the boxplots in Fig. 10).

Fig. 10.
Fig. 10.

Boxplots of tonal movement in the anacruses in both corpora (f0 values in % were log-transformed for the purposes of visualization)

Citation: Acta Linguistica Academica 69, 1; 10.1556/2062.2021.00436

In the other results there is no considerable difference (apart from the higher proportion of first peaks on utterance-initial syllables in the case of the HLS, although the proportion is the same in the case of utterance-initial unstressed syllable first peaks), but there is one prominent discrepancy: for native speakers, the highest peak of the utterance is the first one (cf. Fig. 11), but HLS do not seem to follow this tendency.

Fig. 11.
Fig. 11.

Typical Spanish declarative utterance with the first peak at the highest point of the melodic curve in the sentence Y sigue de frente hasta que veas un bar que se llama Marina ‘And go on in front of you till you see a bar called Marina’

Citation: Acta Linguistica Academica 69, 1; 10.1556/2062.2021.00436

This means that apparently B2 level HLS do not realize tonal peaks with considerable differences compared to native Spanish speakers apart from one melodic aspect: their first peaks are not located at the highest point of the utterance and the anacrusis is also characterized by a lower rise.

5 Conclusions and discussion

Our results indicate that in the case of at least B2 level Hungarian learners of Spanish, stressed syllables are realized in the same way from the perspective of intonation as in the native Spanish corpus. The only considerable difference occurs regarding the first peaks: the melody until the first peak rises higher in the native Spanish corpus, and the first peak is characteristically the highest melodic point of the whole utterance.

Evidently, a larger corpus and further intonational parameters to analyze would help us specify which well-defined prosodic cues contribute to the unnatural stress realization of HLS. If HLS sound odd to native Spanish speakers from the point of view of stress realization, it might not only be because of inadequate melodic realization (in our case, especially on the first peak), but rather because of other prosodic devices (such as intensity or duration) that may constitute a further area of negative linguistic transfer. If the differences are explainable only by melodic cues, the non-native realization may not be the result of merely atypical stress alignment. According to the investigations of Barnes et al. (2012), apart from alignment, the shape of the melody until the f0 turning point also influences listeners’ perception.

Acknowledgments

Supported by the ÚNKP-20-5 New National Excellence Program of the Ministry for Innovation and Technology and by the János Bolyai Research Scholarship of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences.

I am sincerely grateful for all the valuable suggestions made by my reviewers that helped me to improve the quality of the paper. I am particularly indebted to Lena Borise for her insightful comments throughout the elaboration of the manuscript. Also, special thanks to Zoltán Kristóf Gaál, for providing me the recordings of my HLS corpus.

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  • Dorta, Josefa (ed.). 2013. Estudio comparativo preliminar de la entonación de Canarias, Cuba y Venezuela. Santa Cruz de Tenerife: La Página Ediciones.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Estruch, Mónica , Juan María Garrido , Joaquim Llisterri and Montserrat Riera . 2007. Técnicas y procedimientos para la representación de las curvas melódicas. Revista de Lingüística Teórica y Aplicada 45. 5987.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Face, Timothy. L. 2001. Focus and early peak alignment in Spanish intonation. Probus 13(2). 223246.

  • Fonseca, Aline and Francisco José Cantero Serena . 2011. Características da entonação do espanhol falado por brasileiros. Anais do VII Congresso Internacional da ABRALIN. 8498.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Font-Rotchés, Dolors and Miguel Mateo Ruiz . 2011. Absolute interrogatives in Spanish, a new melodic pattern. Anais do VII Congresso Internacional da ABRALIN. 11111125.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Font-Rotchés, Dolors . 2007. L’entonació del català. (Biblioteca Milà i Fontanals 53.) Barcelona: Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Font-Rotchés, Dolors . 2008. Els patrons entonatius de les interrogatives absolutes del català central. Llengua i Literatura 19. 299329.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Font-Rotchés, Dolors . 2009. Les interrogatives pronominals del català central: Anàlisi melòdica i patrons entonatius. Els Marges: Revista de llengua i literatura 87. 4164.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Garrido Almiñana, Juan María . 1991. Modelización de patrones melódicos del español para la síntesis y el reconocimiento. Barcelona: Servei de Publicacions de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Garrido Almiñana, Juan María . 1996. Modelling Spanish intonation for text-to-speech applications. Doctoral dissertation. Departament de Filologia Espanyola, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Barcelona.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Hualde, José Ignacio , Anna María Escobar , Antxon Olarrea and Catherine E. Travis . 2010. Introducción a la lingüística hispánica. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Kao, Wei-Li . 2011. La entonación de enunciados declarativos e interrogativos en chino mandarín hablado por taiwaneses. Master’s thesis. Laboratori de Fonètica Aplicada de la Universitat de Barcelona, Barcelona.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Kingdon, Roger . 1958. The groundwork of English intonation. London: Longmans, Green.

  • Llisterri, Joaquim , Carme De-la-Mota , María Machuca , Montserrat Riera and Antonio Wellington Sales Rios . 2003. The perception of lexical stress in Spanish. In M. J. Solé , D. Recasens and J. Romero (eds.) Proceedings of the XV International Congress of Phonetic Sciences. Barcelona: Futurgraphic. 20232026.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Martorell, Laura . 2011. Les interrogatives absolutes de l’espanyol parlat pels suecs. Master’s thesis. Facultad de Formación del Profesorado, Universitat de Barcelona, Barcelona.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Navarro Tomás, Tomás . 1964. La medida de la intensidad. Boletín del Instituto de Filología de la Universidad de Chile 16. 231235.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Odé, Cecilia and Vincent J. van Heuven (eds.). 1994. Experimental studies of Indonesian prosody. Leiden: Department of Languages and Cultures of Southeast Asia and Oceania, University of Leiden.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Olaszy, Gábor and Ilona Koutny . 2001. Intonation of Hungarian questions and their prediction from text. In S. Puppel and G. Demenko (eds.) Prosody 2000: Speech recognition and synthesis. Poznań: Faculty of Modern Languages and Literature, Adam Mickiewicz University. 179196.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Ortega-Llebaria, Marta . 2006. Phonetic cues to stress and accent in Spanish. In M. Díaz-Campos (ed.) Selected proceedings of the 2nd Conference on Laboratory Approaches to Spanish Phonetics and Phonology. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Proceedings Project. 104118.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Pierrehumbert, Janet . 1980. The phonetics and phonology of English intonation. Doctoral dissertation. Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, MA.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Prieto, Pilar , Joan Borràs-Comes and Paolo Roseano (coords) . 2010–2014. Interactive atlas of Romance intonation. http://prosodia.upf.edu/iari/. (Last accessed 12 February 2020).

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Quilis, Antonio . 1999. Tratado de fonología y fonética españolas. Madrid: Ed. Gredos.

  • ’t Hart, Johan , René Collier and Abraham Cohen . 1990. A perceptual study of intonation: An experimental-phonetic approach to speech melody. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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  • Adriaens, Léon Marie Henri . 1991. Ein Modell deutscher Intonation: Eine experimentell-phonetische Untersuchung nach den perzeptiv relevanten Grundfrequenzänderungen in vorgelesenem Text. Doctoral dissertation. Technological University of Eindhoven, Eindhoven.

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  • Alcoba, Santiago and Julio Murillo . 1998. Intonation in Spanish. In D. Hirst and A. Di Cristo (eds.) Intonation systems: A survey of twenty languages. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 152166.

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  • Baditzné Pálvölgyi, Kata . 2011. The intonational patterns used in Hungarian students’ Spanish yes-no questions. Phonica 7. 8099.

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  • Boersma, Paul and David Weenink . 2020. Praat: Doing phonetics by computer. Computer program, Version 6.1.16. https://www.fon.hum.uva.nl/praat/. (Last accessed 21 June 2020.)

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  • Cantero Serena, Francisco José . 2002. Teoría y análisis de la entonación. Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona.

  • Cantero Serena, Francisco José . 2019. Análisis prosódico del habla: más allá de la melodía. In M. R. Álvarez Silva , A. Muñoz Alvarado and L. Ruiz Miyares (eds.) Comunicación Social: Lingüística, Medios Masivos, Arte, Etnología, Folclor y otras ciencias afines, Vol. II Santiago de Cuba: Ediciones Centro de Lingüística Aplicada. 485498.

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  • Cantero Serena, Francisco José and Dolors Font-Rotchés . 2007. Entonación del español peninsular en habla espontánea: patrones melódicos y márgenes de dispersión. Moenia 13. 6992.

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  • Cantero Serena, Francisco José , and Dolors Font-Rotchés . 2020. Melodic analysis of speech (MAS): Phonetics of intonation. In J. Abasolo , I. de Pablo and A. Ensunza (eds.) Contributions on education. Bilbao: Universidad del País Vasco. 2047.

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  • Cantero Serena, Francisco José , Alfonso Raúl , Marta Bartolí , Anna Corrales and Maribel Vidal . 2005. Rasgos melódicos de énfasis en español. Phonica 1. 140.

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  • Chela-Flores, Bertha . 2003. Optimizing the teaching of English suprasegmentals to Spanish speakers. Lenguas Modernas 28–29. 255273.

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  • Council of Europe . 2001. Common European framework of reference for languages: Learning, teaching, assessment. Strasbourg: Council of Europe.

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  • Delattre, Pierre . 1965. Comparing the phonetic features of English, German, Spanish and French. Heidelberg: Julius Groos Verlag.

  • Devís, Empar . 2011. La entonación del español hablado por italianos. Didáctica (Lengua y Literatura) 23. 3558.

  • Dorta, Josefa (ed.). 2013. Estudio comparativo preliminar de la entonación de Canarias, Cuba y Venezuela. Santa Cruz de Tenerife: La Página Ediciones.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Estruch, Mónica , Juan María Garrido , Joaquim Llisterri and Montserrat Riera . 2007. Técnicas y procedimientos para la representación de las curvas melódicas. Revista de Lingüística Teórica y Aplicada 45. 5987.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Face, Timothy. L. 2001. Focus and early peak alignment in Spanish intonation. Probus 13(2). 223246.

  • Fonseca, Aline and Francisco José Cantero Serena . 2011. Características da entonação do espanhol falado por brasileiros. Anais do VII Congresso Internacional da ABRALIN. 8498.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Font-Rotchés, Dolors and Miguel Mateo Ruiz . 2011. Absolute interrogatives in Spanish, a new melodic pattern. Anais do VII Congresso Internacional da ABRALIN. 11111125.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Font-Rotchés, Dolors . 2007. L’entonació del català. (Biblioteca Milà i Fontanals 53.) Barcelona: Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Font-Rotchés, Dolors . 2008. Els patrons entonatius de les interrogatives absolutes del català central. Llengua i Literatura 19. 299329.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Font-Rotchés, Dolors . 2009. Les interrogatives pronominals del català central: Anàlisi melòdica i patrons entonatius. Els Marges: Revista de llengua i literatura 87. 4164.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Garrido Almiñana, Juan María . 1991. Modelización de patrones melódicos del español para la síntesis y el reconocimiento. Barcelona: Servei de Publicacions de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Garrido Almiñana, Juan María . 1996. Modelling Spanish intonation for text-to-speech applications. Doctoral dissertation. Departament de Filologia Espanyola, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Barcelona.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Hualde, José Ignacio , Anna María Escobar , Antxon Olarrea and Catherine E. Travis . 2010. Introducción a la lingüística hispánica. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Kao, Wei-Li . 2011. La entonación de enunciados declarativos e interrogativos en chino mandarín hablado por taiwaneses. Master’s thesis. Laboratori de Fonètica Aplicada de la Universitat de Barcelona, Barcelona.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Kingdon, Roger . 1958. The groundwork of English intonation. London: Longmans, Green.

  • Llisterri, Joaquim , Carme De-la-Mota , María Machuca , Montserrat Riera and Antonio Wellington Sales Rios . 2003. The perception of lexical stress in Spanish. In M. J. Solé , D. Recasens and J. Romero (eds.) Proceedings of the XV International Congress of Phonetic Sciences. Barcelona: Futurgraphic. 20232026.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Martorell, Laura . 2011. Les interrogatives absolutes de l’espanyol parlat pels suecs. Master’s thesis. Facultad de Formación del Profesorado, Universitat de Barcelona, Barcelona.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Navarro Tomás, Tomás . 1964. La medida de la intensidad. Boletín del Instituto de Filología de la Universidad de Chile 16. 231235.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Odé, Cecilia and Vincent J. van Heuven (eds.). 1994. Experimental studies of Indonesian prosody. Leiden: Department of Languages and Cultures of Southeast Asia and Oceania, University of Leiden.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Olaszy, Gábor and Ilona Koutny . 2001. Intonation of Hungarian questions and their prediction from text. In S. Puppel and G. Demenko (eds.) Prosody 2000: Speech recognition and synthesis. Poznań: Faculty of Modern Languages and Literature, Adam Mickiewicz University. 179196.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Ortega-Llebaria, Marta . 2006. Phonetic cues to stress and accent in Spanish. In M. Díaz-Campos (ed.) Selected proceedings of the 2nd Conference on Laboratory Approaches to Spanish Phonetics and Phonology. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Proceedings Project. 104118.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Pierrehumbert, Janet . 1980. The phonetics and phonology of English intonation. Doctoral dissertation. Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, MA.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Prieto, Pilar , Joan Borràs-Comes and Paolo Roseano (coords) . 2010–2014. Interactive atlas of Romance intonation. http://prosodia.upf.edu/iari/. (Last accessed 12 February 2020).

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Quilis, Antonio . 1999. Tratado de fonología y fonética españolas. Madrid: Ed. Gredos.

  • ’t Hart, Johan , René Collier and Abraham Cohen . 1990. A perceptual study of intonation: An experimental-phonetic approach to speech melody. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

    • Crossref
    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
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Editors

Editor-in-Chief: András Cser

Editor: György Rákosi

Review Editor: Tamás Halm

Editorial Board

  • Anne Abeillé / Université Paris Diderot
  • Željko Bošković / University of Connecticut
  • Marcel den Dikken / Eötvös Loránd University; Hungarian Research Centre for Linguistics, Budapest
  • Hans-Martin Gärtner / Hungarian Research Centre for Linguistics, Budapest
  • Elly van Gelderen / Arizona State University
  • Anders Holmberg / Newcastle University
  • Katarzyna Jaszczolt / University of Cambridge
  • Dániel Z. Kádár / Hungarian Research Centre for Linguistics, Budapest
  • István Kenesei / University of Szeged; Hungarian Research Centre for Linguistics, Budapest
  • Anikó Lipták / Leiden University
  • Katalin Mády / Hungarian Research Centre for Linguistics, Budapest
  • Gereon Müller / Leipzig University
  • Csaba Pléh / Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Central European University
  • Giampaolo Salvi / Eötvös Loránd University
  • Irina Sekerina / College of Staten Island CUNY
  • Péter Siptár / Hungarian Research Centre for Linguistics, Budapest
  • Gregory Stump / University of Kentucky
  • Peter Svenonius / University of Tromsø
  • Anne Tamm / Károli Gáspár University of the Reformed Church
  • Akira Watanabe / University of Tokyo
  • Jeroen van de Weijer / Shenzhen University

 

Acta Linguistica Academica
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2021  
Web of Science  
Total Cites
WoS
63
Journal Impact Factor 0,690
Rank by Impact Factor

Linguistics 145/194

Impact Factor
without
Journal Self Cites
0,667
5 Year
Impact Factor
1,286
Journal Citation Indicator 0,67
Rank by Journal Citation Indicator

Language & Linguistics 141/370

Scimago  
Scimago
H-index
11
Scimago
Journal Rank
0,341
Scimago Quartile Score Cultural Studies (Q1)
Linguistics and Language (Q1)
Literature and Literary Theory (Q1)
Scopus  
Scopus
Cite Score
1,4
Scopus
CIte Score Rank
Literature and Literary Theory 22/934 (D1)
Cultural Studies 164/1127 (Q1)
Scopus
SNIP
1,070

2020

 

Total Cites

219

WoS

Journal
Impact Factor

0,523

Rank by

Linguistics 150/193 (Q4)

Impact Factor

 

Impact Factor

0,432

without

Journal Self Cites

5 Year

0,500

Impact Factor

Journal 

0,72

Citation Indicator

 

Rank by Journal 

Linguistics 144/259 (Q3)

Citation Indicator 

 

Citable

19

Items

Total

19

Articles

Total

0

Reviews

Scimago

10

H-index

Scimago

0,295

Journal Rank

Scimago

Cultural Studies Q1

Quartile Score

Language and Linguistics Q2

 

Linguistics and Language Q2

 

Literature and Literary Theory Q1

Scopus

72/87=0,8

Scite Score

Scopus

Literature and Literary Theory 42/825 (Q1)

Scite Score Rank

Cultural Studies 247/1037 (Q1)

Scopus

1,022

SNIP

Days from 

58

submission

to acceptance

Days from 

68

acceptance

to publication

Acceptance

51%

Rate

2019  
Total Cites
WoS
155
Impact Factor 0,222
Impact Factor
without
Journal Self Cites
0,156
5 Year
Impact Factor
0,322
Immediacy
Index
0,870
Citable
Items
23
Total
Articles
23
Total
Reviews
0
Cited
Half-Life
11,2
Citing
Half-Life
16,6
Eigenfactor
Score
0,00006
Article Influence
Score
0,056
% Articles
in
Citable Items
100,00
Normalized
Eigenfactor
0,00780
Average
IF
Percentile
9,358
Scimago
H-index
9
Scimago
Journal Rank
0,281
Scopus
Scite Score
53/85=0,6
Scopus
Scite Score Rank
Cultural Studies 293/1002 (Q2)
Literature and Literary Theory 60/823(Q1)
Scopus
SNIP
0,768
Acceptance
Rate
25%

 

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Acta Linguistica Academica
Language English
Size B5
Year of
Foundation
2017 (1951)
Volumes
per Year
1
Issues
per Year
4
Founder Magyar Tudományos Akadémia   
Founder's
Address
H-1051 Budapest, Hungary, Széchenyi István tér 9.
Publisher Akadémiai Kiadó
Publisher's
Address
H-1117 Budapest, Hungary 1516 Budapest, PO Box 245.
Responsible
Publisher
Chief Executive Officer, Akadémiai Kiadó
ISSN 2559-8201 (Print)
ISSN 2560-1016 (Online)