Abstract
The study explores the perceptions of small talk shared by the users of a Japanese online community, seeking information on their expected speech and behaviour in small talk and factors contributing to positive/negative evaluations of small talk. The study investigates a discussion thread consisting of 73 responses to a contributor's request for advice on improving small talk capabilities from the perspectives of interaction ritual (Goffman 1967), balancing obligations (Ohashi 2008, 2013, 2021) and typology of speech acts (Edmondson & House 1981; House & Kádár 2022b).
1 Introduction
During the COVID-19 pandemic, the reduction in opportunities for small talk led to a reassessment of its importance, which had previously gone unnoticed. An increasing number of articles about small talk has caught people's attention in social media, including “How to make small talk after we've been through a pandemic” (Vice),1 “Covid got your tongue? How to relearn the lost art of office small talk” (The Guardian)2 and many more. The survey study conducted by Murayama & Sugawara (2022) reveals that small talk is significant in maintaining mental health. This present study aims to uncover how small talk, 雑談 (zatsudan) in Japanese, is evaluated and conceptualised in a Japanese online discussion forum, and to explore the multidisciplinary field of ritual and interpersonal pragmatics from the perspectives of the typology of speech acts and balancing obligations (Ohashi 2008, 2010, 2013).
Specifically, the study will explore the perceptions about small talk shared in a Japanese online community, i.e. what users think they are expected to say and do in small talk, and what contributes to the positive/negative evaluation of small talk.
The study approaches small talk from the point of view of interaction ritual (Goffman 1967), where people look after mutual face (see below for further explanation). Coupland (2003) describes that commonly understood small talk is a “comfortable ritual” (Coupland 2003, 5), as it is associated with phatic communication over safe topics. Kádár (2013, 2017) identifies common features of ritual which include recurrence, liminality (changing/transforming the state of relationship), and moral obligation. Small talk can be ritual as it is recurrent and thus predictable amongst cultural insiders. It is liminal as it can occur between activities and can potentially transform participants' interpersonal relations. Participants observe and enforce/transgress moral order (Garfinkel 1964; Kádár 2017) as they engage in small talk, and their evaluation has direct bearing on the notion of (im)politeness, in other words, relational evaluative phenomena.
The data of this study are sourced from a Japanese online community where users ask and answer questions using their handle names. A specific thread was selected in which users give advice to the instigator who asks for advice on how to improve her small talk skills.
First, high frequency terms are identified, and examples are qualitatively analysed in context. Second, drawing on previous research, Edmondson & House (1981) and House & Kádár (2022a), specific speech acts which are associated with zatsudan from a lay perspective are illuminated. In the following, some of the key concepts in interpreting data are illustrated, which include ritual and face-work, norms, small talk, and first-order and second-order perspectives.
2 Ritual and face-work
A person’s performance of face-work, extended by his [sic] tacit agreement to help others perform theirs, represents his [sic] willingness to abide by the ground rules of social interaction. (Goffman 1967, 31)
The combined effect of the rule of self-respect and the rule of considerateness is that the person tends to conduct himself during an encounter so as to maintain both his own face and the face of the other participants. (Goffman 1967, 11)
This translates into moment-by-moment conversational participants' behaviour, as Goffman aptly puts, “‘If I do or do not act in this way, will I or others lose face?’ he [sic] decides at each moment, consciously or unconsciously, how to behave” (Goffman 1967, 36). This is because “[t]he person not only defends his own face and protects the face of the other…” (Goffman 1967, 29).
When a ritual offering occurs, when, that is, one individual provides a sign of involvement in and connectedness to another, it behooves the recipient to show that the message has been received, that its import has been appreciated, that the affirmed relationship actually exists as the performer implies, that the performer himself has worth as a person, and finally, that the recipient has an appreciative, grateful nature. (Goffman 1971, 63)
From a (non)linguistic socialisation perspective, Kádár (2017) explains that ritual is mimetic in nature in a sense that “it re-enacts social and/or interpersonal values in a recurrent performance of symbols (Blackmore 2007), that is, linguistic and non-linguistic elements that bear special significance within a social structure” (Kádár 2017, 15). If we combine this with Goffman's sense of ritual, participants of social practice must have common mimetic resources to enact mutual obligations in accordance with social norms. Kádár (2017) also includes the notion of ‘liminality’ in his sense of ritual. He explains that liminality is a threshold which defines what is acceptable and what is not. The liminality indexes salience in relationality, and thus it is the site of evaluative phenomena, i.e. (im)politeness.
The notion of ritual which is characterised by mutually obligatory, recurrent, mimetic, and liminal nature, therefore, provides a new insight in understanding small talk.
3 Norms
Recurrent practices must not be harmful to interpersonal relations, and thus norms are closely related to rituals and face-work. Long-standing communities are bound to have certain ways of doing things which participants observe and follow. Such norms often go unnoticed until someone violates them, either intentionally or unintentionally. Wenger (1998) names such longstanding communities as communities of practice (CoP). It is a “joint enterprise as understood and continually renegotiated by its members” that functions by “mutual engagement that bind[s] members together into a social entity” and produces a “shared repertoire of communal resources (routines, sensibilities, artifacts, vocabulary, styles, etc.) that members have developed over time” (Wenger 1998, 73). It overlaps with the notion of ‘habitus’ (Bourdieu 1990) which focuses on the interplay and duality of the “structured structure” and “structuring structure” (Bourdieu 1990, 53) and is frequently deployed across disciplines of social science and beyond.
Bardsley & Miller (2011) associate it with the Japanese notion of kata, standardised forms and movements of martial arts and many traditional art forms such as the tea ceremony, flower arrangment, and even bowing and greeting.
Habitus becomes our common sense, so innate that we can easily fail to see how much this training has marked us as part of a certain social class, religion, nation, and gender. Kata-training, then, is the deliberate and conscious adoption of a new habitus. (Bardsley & Miller 2011, 9)
It can be said that Japanese kata-training is a conscious effort of indexing oneself as a desirable model according to a given social expectation. It represents a unique contrast to norms as unmarked behavior, as in habitus.
3.1 Interactional norms
… aisatsu refers to the ritual of encounters that permeates the everyday conduct of Japanese society, it also forms a nexus of social etiquette linguistically and non-linguistically speaking, functioning as a lubricant in keeping social relations smooth and in a culturally appropriate manner. (Ide 2009, 18)
Aisatsu reflects norms and values of a given community. The way one handles aisatsu often reveals one's ritual sensitivity and understanding of their tachiba (positioning of self in a web of social structure).
4 Small-talk
Small talk is defined here as a spontaneous interaction of two or more participants. It is spontaneous because there is no predetermined tasks to achieve. Small talk is often referred to as phatic communication which Malinowski defines as “language used in free, aimless, social intercourse”, and “mere exchange of words” (Malinowski 1923, 149). However, Malinowski also recognises the social significance of phatic communication where “ties of union are created” (Malinowski 1923, 151). Coupland (2003) also emphasises the social bonding aspect of it, and she distinguishes it from communication intended to exchange information. Topics for small talk are highly predictable, and are “confined to the ‘public’ aspects of the person: for example, the weather, superficial dimensions of health, activities on weekends or holidays, everyday activities (e.g. school, evening plans, television programs and movies)” (Davis 2004, 221), and general aspects of something from immediate situation (Schneider 1987). There is also an obligatory aspect of it. If one encounters his/her work colleague in a lift, a rather confined space, one feels obliged to engage in small talk or aisatsu to demonstrate ritual sensitivity as a sign of face-work. Ohashi (2021) investigates first encounter interactions of participants in Tokyo (Japanese speaking) and Melbourne (English speaking) from the perspective of balancing obligations, which assumes that “conversational partners balance obligations, from the level of micro turn-taking to macro discourse” (Ohashi 2021, 31), and confirms that participants observe reciprocal expectations and obligations in conversational feedback/backchanelling (aizuchi), nodding, smiling, and turn-taking.
5 First order (emic and etic) and second order understandings of small talk
It is important to understand social and ritual aspects of small talk from multiple vantage points. Kádár & Haugh's (2013) distinction of first-order and second-order perspectives are beneficial to this study. Rather than following the conventional distinction, participant vs analyst, commonly used in the study of (im)politeness, they associate the first-order and second-order distinction with particular evaluative moments of situated meaning. First-order involves participants only, and they engage in social practices where they evaluate emerging meaning ‘here and now’ or perhaps simply participate in the meaning making practice. Second-order involves an observer's vantage points, from which s/he evaluates phenomena ‘there and then’. Kádár & Haugh (2013) argue that “[w]hile the first-order/second-order distinction has generally been held to be between participant and analyst understandings of politeness, we suggest that this neglects a further two loci of understanding” (Kádár & Haugh 2013, 85). They add further distinctions which include the one between insiders and outsiders as well as that of between lay observers and analysts; both loci exhibit different understandings of a social practice that the conventional first-order/second-order distinction fails to explain.
The present study takes such distinctions into account in order to make sense of ‘small talk' in the context of an advice-seeking/advice-giving online forum. The online forum reflects multiple viewpoints as all participants discuss and give their views on an advice-seeker's past small talk experiences. They are therefore participants in the making of meaning in the forum, but at the same time they adopt the observer's point of view and self-reflection. In recognition of this complexity, the present study takes into account multiple perspectives and evaluative moments.
6 Data: online advice seeking/giving forum
An online advice seeking/giving forum is used to find out any recurrent terms, themes, and common speech acts amongst comments and advice on improving small talk ability. Following data were obtained from a popular advice seeking/giving online community which is operated by a Japanese newspaper website. A person, whose handle name is Karashi (pseudo name),3 posted her message with the following title asking for advice to improve her small talk ability, 雑談能力 zatsudan nouryoku.
| 雑談能力が 無さ過ぎて辛いです。アドバイス願います。 |
| zatsudan nouryoku ga nasa sugite tsuraidesu. adobaisu negai masu. |
| ‘I suffer as I lack small talk (ability) skills. Please give me advice.’ |
Karashi claims to be a mother in her late 30s with three children. Her message includes the painful experience of not being able to converse or build friendships at school and workplace.
| 周囲のママ達は 仕事の種類や有無に関わらず、色々なネタで気楽に雑談を |
| shuui no mama tachi wa shigoto no shurui ya umu ni kakawarazu, iroiro na neta de kiraku ni zatsudan wo 楽しめるのに、私は無理。頭空っぽ。 tanoshimeru noni, watashi wa muri. atama karappo. |
| ニュースも見るし読書もするし毎日家事育児頑張ってるつもりなのに。 |
| nyuusu mo mirushi dokusho mo surushi mainichi kaji ikuji ganbatteru tsumori nanoni. |
| 皆は普通の日常からネタを見つけて瞬時に言葉にできて笑顔で |
| minawa futsuu no nichijou kara neta wo mitsukete shunji ni kotoba ni dekite egao de |
| コミニケーションとれるのに、私には その能力が ありません。 |
| kominikeishon toreru noni, watashi niwa sono nouryoku ga arimasen. |
| 聞けば知っているネタでも、それを話題にする 能力が ないのです。 |
| kikeba shitteiru neta demo, sorewo wadaini suru nouryoku ga nainodesu. |
| 鍛える方法は ないでしょうか… |
| kitaeru houhou wa naideshouka... |
| ‘The mothers around me, regardless of the type of work they do and whether they have a job or not, can comfortably enjoy small talk about all sorts of stuff, but I can't. |
| My brain is empty. |
| I watch the news, I read, I do my best at housework and childcare every day. Everyone else can find topics from their normal daily life and instantly put it into words and communicate with a smile, but I don't have that ability. |
| Even though I know the stories when I hear them, I don't have the ability to talk about them. Is there any way to train [my small talk skills]…?’ [English translation by the author] |
Karashi's post attracted 73 responses, many of which take account of Karashi's experiences and social position, i.e. late 30s with three children.
First, frequently occurring content words are identified in order to find common themes, beliefs and expected ritual in small talk. Table 1 below summarises the frequently occurring vocabulary in the online forum.
Frequently occurring vocabulary in the online forum
| Word | Meaning | Frequency |
| 雑談 Zatsudan | Small talk Literal meaning: Miscellaneous or idle talk | 100 |
| 自分 Jibun | Self | 79 |
| 相手 Aite | Interlocutor | 63 |
| 笑顔/笑うEgao/Warau | Smiling face/to laugh | 32 |
| 相鎚 (incl. 相づち) Aizuchi 頷くUnazuku | Feedback/backchanneling Nodding | 26 2 |
| 興味 Kyoumi 関心 Kanshin | Interest | 24 |
| 質問するShitsumon suru | To ask questions | 13 |
| 挨拶 Aisatsu | Greeting | 11 |
雑談 zatsudan appears most frequently (100 counts), and it is quite understandable as it is the topic of the forum. The second most frequent word is 自分 jibun (self) and the third is 相手aite (interlocutor), 79 and 63 counts respectively. This suggests that many comments revolved around the two axes (self and interlocutor), reflecting Goffman's ‘ground rules of social interaction’, that is “[t]he combined effect of the rule of self-respect and the rule of considerateness” (Goffman 1967, 11). Further, these two focal points of interaction can be interpreted as reciprocal obligation or balancing obligations (Ohashi 2008, 2013, 2021). The fourth and the fifth most frequent words are 笑顔/笑う egao/warau (smiling face/to smile) and 相槌 aizuchi (feedback/backchanneling), 32 and 26 counts respectively. They actually co-occur in many other comments. The rest are listed as follows, 興味 kyoumi (interest) (22), 質問する shitsumon suru (ask questions) (13) and 挨拶 aisatsu (greeting) (11).
In the following, each frequently occurring term is examined qualitatively, using actual data from the forum.
6.1 雑談 Zatsudan (Small talk)
As mentioned, the high frequency of zatsudan is predictable. There are many posts talking about what to say in small talk, but the following example is unique because the poster, Tama, indicated at the end of the message, conceptualises and defines small talk.
| 雑談は、 周囲の人といい距離を保ちながら 場を和ますための |
| Zatsudan wa, shuui no hito to ii kyori wo tamochinagara ba wo nagomasutameno |
| 一つの手段 (Tama) |
| hitotsu no shudan |
| ‘Small talk is a means to create a friendly atmosphere while keeping a good distance from others.’ |
Tama even offers a trope which captures the essence of small talk.
| 雑談はいわば、お互いに「いかが?」と手持ちの飴ちゃんや袋菓子を | ||||
| Zatsudan wa iwaba, otagaini "ikaga?" to temochi no amechan ya fukurogashi wo | ||||
| 差し出しあうようなもの、その時はちょっといい気持になっても、 | ||||
| sashidashiau younamono, sono tokiwa chotto iikimochini nattemo, | ||||
| 後には何も残りません (Tama) | ||||
| ato niwa nanimo nokorimasen | ||||
| ‘Small talk, so to speak, is like offering candy and sweets to each other and saying “Would you like some?” We feel good about ourselves then, but nothing remains afterwards.’ |
According to Tama's folk emic understanding of small talk, it is essentially an exchange of something small amongst participants in order for them to feel good about themselves while maintaining a certain distance, but it has little substance nor lasting impact. Tama's explanation can be interpreted in the analyst's terms, which is conceptualized as a mutual balancing of obligations for the sake of face-work.
6.2 自分 Jibun (self)
Jibun can be used as I, as in Jibun mo zatsudan nigate desu (I am not good at small talk, either), referring to an advice-giver him/herself. Such use is disregarded in the analysis. The uses of jibun here are predominantly related to advice-giver's referring to Karashi, the advice-seeker. Some recurrent themes are emerging as follows.
6.2.1 Don't blame yourself
| 自分を責めることないです。(Sachi) |
| jibun wo semeru koto nai desu. |
| ‘There is no need to blame yourself.’ |
| 十分立派。そんなに自分を責めることない。(Mei) |
| juubun rippa. sonnani jibun wo semeru koto nai. |
| ‘You are excellent enough. There is no need to blame yourself that much.’ |
| 自分の 雑談能力 を 過小評価 しすぎ なのだと思います。(Nori) |
| jibun no zatsudan nouryoku wo kashouhyouka shisugi nanoda to omoi masu. |
| ‘I think you underestimate your small-talk ability too much.’ |
| 必要以上に ご自分を「会話能力が無い」って決め付けているだけのような |
| hitsuyou ijouni go jibun wo "kaiwa nouryokuga nai" tte kimetsuketeiru dakeno youna |
| 気がします。(Haru) |
| ki ga shi masu. |
| ‘I feel that you're just assuming yourself to be “incapable of conversation” unnecessarily.’ |
These comments are not related to small talk skills, but they indicate participants' sympathetic attitudes towards Karashi. They suggest that Karashi should not blame herself. There is another pattern of reaction containing jibun. The following comments advise Karashi that it is more important to be interested in what others have to say and listen carefully than to offer topics and talk about them.
6.2.2 You should be a good listener
| 自分が 話さなくても 良い 聞き役になればいい。(Tombo) |
| Jibun ga hanasanakute mo yoi kikiyakuni nareba ii. |
| ‘You don't have to do the talking, just be a good listener.’ |
| 自分が 弁舌 を ふるう必要 は ありません。(Piko) |
| Jibun ga benzetsu wo furuu hitsuyou wa ari masen. |
| ‘You do not have to make a speech.’ |
| 自分から面白い 話題を 提供 しなきゃ、というのではなくて、 |
| Jibun kara omoshiroi wadai wo teikyou shinakya, to iu no dewa nakute, |
| 相手の話を よく聞くようにしたらいかがでしょうか。(Tika) |
| aiteno hanashi wo yoku kiku younishitara ikaga deshou ka. |
| ‘It is not that you have to provide interesting topics, how about making an effort to listen to your interlocutor?’ |
It is very interesting to witness these self and alter (other) orientations which emerge from the participants' advice. They also seem to reflect Goffman's ground rules of social interaction, namely ‘self-respect’ and ‘considerateness’ (consideration to other). The former (Don't blame yourself) reinforces Karashi's self-esteem, and the latter (You should be a good listener) reminds her of the importance of ‘considerateness’. The following key word 相手 aite (interlocutor) further emphasises the importance of the alter orientation.
6.3 相手 Aite (Interlocutor)
| 相手の話を 聞こうという姿勢になればいい。 |
| Aite no hanashi wo kikou to iu shiseini nareba ii. |
| 相手の話に集中する (Tamago) |
| aite no hanashi ni shuuchuusuru |
| ‘It would be good if you have an attitude to listen to what your interlocutor has to say. Focus on his/her talk.’ |
| 相手の話をよく 聞くようにしたらいかがでしょうか。(Tika) |
| Aite no hanashi wo yoku kiku younishitara ikagadeshou ka. |
| ‘How about making a conscious effort to listen to what your interlocutor has to say?’ |
| まず相手に関心をもって みましょう。(Kaede) |
| Mazu aiteni kanshin wo motte mimashou. |
| ‘First, let's show interest in the other party.’ |
| 相手の話す言葉に耳を傾け 『うんうん…そうだね』と相槌をうちきちんと |
| Aiteno hanasu kotobani mimi wo katamuke 「un un … soudane」 to aizuchi wo uchi kichinto |
| 話を 聞くことが一番だと思います。(Minton) |
| hanashi wo kiku koto ga ichiban da to omoi masu. |
| ‘I think the best thing to do is to listen to what the other person has to say, and to interject aizuchi saying “ummm … yes, that's right” and to listen to what they have to say.’ |
All these comments also emphasise the importance of listenership during interaction and consideration to the interlocutor. In (15), Minton added the aizuchi, backchannelling, as an important factor.
6.4 笑顔 egao (smiling face)
笑顔 egao tends to co-occur with other frequently appearing key terms such as aizuchi (feedback/backchanneling) and aisatsu (greetings).
| 笑顔で聞いて | 相槌を打つ。(Tika) |
| Egao de kiite | aizuchi wo utsu. |
| ‘Listen to your interlocutor with a smile and with backchannels.’ | |
| 明るく笑顔で挨拶を続ける。 (Kei) |
| Akaruku egao de aisatsu wo tsuzukeru. |
| ‘Continue greeting with a cheerful smile.’ |
Many participants refer to the importance of smiling. It is one of the extra-linguistic resources which is required to accompany other key elements which are effective in balancing obligations.
6.5 相槌/(also written as) 相づち Aizuchi (Backchanneling)
相槌 Aizuchi is a compound word consisting of 相 Ai and 槌 Tsuchi; 相 means mutual and 槌 is a hammer. This word originates from a practice of sword-making where multiple workers in turns, hit heated metal to shape them into swords. Therefore, aizuchi depicts sword makers' alternate pounding metal motions and sound responding to each other. Therefore, aizuchi in modern Japan means reactive small verbal feedback given to the conversational turn-holder. Because of the original meaning of the word, the expression such as aizuchi wo utsu (hit the aizuchi) is commonly used to mean interjecting feedback or backchanneling.
| 会話力 より 相槌力 (Tamago) |
| kaiwaryoku yori aizuchiryoku |
| ‘Aizuchi ability is more important than conversational ability.’ |
| 笑顔で 相づちうって 相手が 言いたい であろう語尾や言葉を |
| Egao de aizuchi utte aite ga iitai dearou gobi ya kotoba wo |
| 相づちうち ながら使ったりするだけで 会話してる風になります(笑) (Akebono) |
| aizuchi uchi nagara tsukattarisuru dakede kaiwa shiteru fuuni narimasu (wara: LoL) |
| ‘Just smiling, interjecting aizuchi and using the endings and words you think the other person is going to say can make it seem like you're having a conversation. (LoL)’ |
| 話したくなければ、相槌を打つくらいでも良いと思いますよ? (Kaede) |
| Hanashitaku nakere ba, aizuchi wo utsu kurai demo yoi to omoimasu yo? |
| ‘If you don't want to talk, I think just aizuchi would be enough.’ |
| いいあんばいで相槌を打ち、話に入って いけそうだったら |
| Iianbai de aizuchi wo uchi, hanashi ni haitte ikesou dattara |
| 入るとか。(Taria) |
| hairutoka. |
| ‘Interject aizuchi appropriately, and when it seems possible, enter into the conversation, perhaps.’ |
| 雑談を 聞いて相槌打つ… それで いいではありませんか。 (Mei) |
| zatsudan wo kiite aizuchi utsu... sorede iidewa arimasenka. |
| ‘You listen to your interlocutor's small talk and offer aizuchi …isn't it sufficient?' |
| 雑談など、相手の話を 聞いて共感し、相槌など 反応を 返せば、 |
| zatsudan nado, aite no hanashi wo kiite kyoukanshi, aizuchi nado hannou wo kaeseba, |
| それで十分ですよ (Tama) |
| sorede juubun desuyo |
| ‘Small talk is simply a matter of listening to what the interlocutor has to say, empathizing, and responding with aizuchi and etc.’ |
Aizuchi is thought to be very important in small talk. Tamago in (18) uses the title “Aizuchi ability is more important than conversational ability”, and emphasises the importance of being a good listener. Akebono in (19) suggests that the poster, Karashi, should be able to feel like engaging in interaction if she smiles, interjects with aizuchi and jointly completes sentence endings with the interlocutor. This reveals Akebono's understanding of the kata of interaction. Many of the responses to the poster in fact revolve around the theme of the strategic use of aizuchi in satisfying the essential and the minimum requirements in engaging in small talk which consists of listening to the interlocutor and aizuchi including nodding, (20)∼(23). This supports Ohashi's (2021) argument that aizuchi contributes to balancing mutual obligations in rectifying perceived imbalance of conversational contribution.
6.6 興味 Kyoumi (Interest)
Kyoumi is interest. The participants find it necessary to have a genuine interest with the interlocutor.
| 程良い距離感を持っての他人への興味は 必須ですよ。(Piko) |
| Hodoyoi kyori wo motte no tanin e no kyoumi wa hissu desu yo. |
| ‘It is essential to have interest in others while keeping appropriate distance.’ |
| 本当に 会話を 続けたければ、 相手に興味を 持つことです。(Michiru) |
| Hontouni kaiwa wo tsuzuketakereba, aite ni kyoumi wo motsukoto desu. |
| ‘If you really want to keep the conversation going, you have to be interested in your interlocutor.’ |
| 根本的に 他人に興味がないんですよね。(Goma) |
| Konponteki ni tanin ni kyoumi ga nain desu yone. |
| ‘Fundamentally, we're not interested in other people.’ |
In (24) Piko states that it is essential to be interested in the interlocutor, however, Piko also refers to the importance of keeping appropriate social distance and avoiding asking personal questions. Michiru's comment in (25) also emphasises the importance of being interested in the interlocutor. These comments support the alter orientation, consideration to the interlocutor. In (26), Goma admits that s/he has ‘low small talk ability’ and relates it to her/his little interest to others. Unlike, aizuchi and egao, listening to and being genuinely interested in the interlocutor, is not strategic advice, but essential requirement as a conversationalist.
6.7 質問する Shitsumon suru (ask questions)
Asking questions is important in small talk and it is valued in this community. It is an explicit indication of showing kyoumi (interest) and it can be strategic. Asking a question does not necessarily seek information, but it plays an important relational role in small talk (Ohashi & Chang 2017), as it contributes to establishing common ground as well as to showing interest to the interlocutor (Ohashi 2021).
| 気負わずに「今日は寒いですね。」とか、どんなテレビを見るのですか ? |
| Kiowazuni “Kyou wa samui desu ne” toka, donna terebi wo miru no desu ka? |
| とかなんでもいいので質問してみましょう。相手は何か答えてくれる |
| toka nandemo iinode shitsumonshite mi mashou. Aite wa nanika kotaete kureru |
| でしょう。そこからが始まりです。(Kaede) |
| deshou. Sokokara ga hajimari desu. |
| ‘Don't be too eager to be perfect, just ask questions such as “It's cold today, isn't it?” and “What TV programme do you watch?” and etc. Your partner should respond to you, and you can go from there.”’ |
| 職場等で 雑談が 必要な 時は 相手に質問して |
| Shokubatou de zatsudan ga hitsuyouna toki wa aiteni shitsumonshite |
| 喋ってもらいます。(Goma) |
| shabette moraimasu. |
| ‘When I need to make small talk, like at work, I ask people questions to get them talking.’ |
| 興味 深く 聞いていると、当然相槌が、感嘆が、質問が、(…) |
| Kyoumi bukaku kiiteiruto touzen aizuchi ga kantan ga shitsumon ga, (...) |
| 出ます。そこからまた会話が生まれます。 (Ando) |
| de masu. soko kara mata kaiwa ga umare masu. |
| ‘Listening with interest, of course, leads to aizuchi, exclamations, and questions. From there, another conversation is born.’ |
Because the initial post by Karashi was so eager to improve small talk ability, those comments suggest that Karashi should relax and simply rely on the conversational partner and just ask questions. These comments also show that small talk requires a mutual involvement.
6.8 挨拶 Aisatsu (the ritual of encounters)
While aisatsu refers to the ritual of encounters that permeates the everyday conduct of Japanese society, it also forms a nexus of social etiquette linguistically and non-linguistically speaking, functioning as a lubricant in keeping social relations smooth and in a culturally appropriate manner. (Ide 2009, 18)
Participants who refer to aisatsu reveal what is expected at an encounter.
| 関係づくりで大事なのは挨拶です。明るく笑顔で挨拶を続ける。 |
| Kankei zukuri de daijinano wa aisatsu desu. Akaruku egao de aisatsu wo tsuzukeru. |
| 返されても返されなくても気にせず挨拶を続けましょう。(Iiko) |
| Kaesaretemo kaesarenakutemo kinisezu aisatsu wo tsuzukemashou. |
| ‘The most important part of relationship building is greeting. Continue to greet people with a bright smile. Do not worry if your greeting is reciprocated or not, just keep on greeting.’ |
| 挨拶などマナーを守れば、それでいいでしょう。(Mei) |
| Aisatsu nado manaa wo mamoreba, sorede iideshou. |
| ‘Just be sure to greet people and in good manners, and you'll be good to go.’ |
| 基本的な挨拶は 絶対に欠かさない。挨拶するときはにこやかに。(Koto) |
| Kihontekina aisatsu wa zettaini kakasanai. Aisatsu surutoki wa nikoyakani. |
| ‘Never miss a basic greeting. When you greet people, do so with a smile.’ |
| まず、挨拶はするでしょ?その後に一言加えるだけ。 (Zen) |
| Mazu, aisatsu wa surudesho? sono ato ni hitokoto kuwaeru dake. |
| 「おはようございます。--- ちゃん いつも元気ねぇ」 |
| "Ohayougozaimasu --- chan itsumo genkinee" |
| お子さんネタでひと言。 |
| Okosan neta de hito koto. |
| いつもハツラツしてるね。 |
| Itsumo hatsu ratsu shiteru ne. |
| 髪型 いつも可愛く結んでて どうやるの? |
| Kamigata itsumo kawaiku musundete douyaruno? |
| お子さん しっかりしてるね。どうやって育てたら こんなに |
| okosan shikkari shiteru ne. douyatte sodatetara konnani |
| しっかりするんだろう? |
| shikkari surundarou? |
| ‘First, you say your aisatsu, don't you? Then you just add one phrase: |
| "Good morning. your --- chan3 looks always energetic." |
| Then add a phrase in relation to the child related topics. |
| S/he is always lively. |
| You always tie your child's hair nicely. How do you do it? |
| Your child is so mature. I wonder how you raise her/him?’ |
These comments emphasise the importance of the enactment of aisatsu as social norms. This is something one cannot do without in a social encounter. All the comments above resonate with Ide's definition of aisatsu, referring to “keeping social relations smooth and in a culturally appropriate manner” (Ide 2009, 18). Particularly, (33) is revealing in relation to Kata. Zen gives a specific example of starting from aisatsu then moving on to small talk. In this example, aisatsu consists of a set phrase and a compliment referring to the interlocutor's child. Aisatsu is ritual and it is fundamentally alter-oriented and consideration to the interlocutor, and also at the same time complying to the social norm, and thus presenting positive self-image. What is more, Zen adds some repertoire of complimenting the interlocutor's children, suggesting that speech act of complimenting is a key to small talk. It closely relates to Tama's explanation in (4), “[s]mall talk, so to speak, is the offering of candy and sweets to each other, saying ‘Would you like some?’” Their comments suggest that offering each other something small (including a compliment) or in second order analyst's term, reciprocal balancing obligation for the sake of face work is, a common feature of small talk in the community.
So far the participants' comments refer to the importance of self-respect – ‘don't blame yourself’, consideration to the interlocutor – ‘have interest in the interlocutor’ and ‘ask questions’. They also include some strategies and social norms to follow, including smile, aizuchi, aisatsu, and reciprocating compliments.
The online advice seeking/giving site provides us with the folk notion of small talk which interestingly reflects Goffman's notion of ritual which is an embodiment of social norms, balancing obligations and mutual face-work.
7 Discussion on speech acts and phatic interaction
According to the typology of speech acts (House & Kádár 2022b), ‘remark’ and ‘disclose’ are under the phatic cluster. Stating the obvious in a given situation, i.e. ‘It is raining outside’ is categorised as a ‘remark’ and sharing information about one's life as a ‘disclosure’ (Edmonson & House 1981). Although not listed in the phatic cluster, ‘compliments’ also play an important relational role in interaction. Leech (1983) highlights its convivial function and Brown & Levinson (1987) categorise paying a compliment as positive politeness strategy. Manes & Wolfson (1981), one of the key studies of compliments analysing 686 compliments and responses collected (observed and transcribed) by the authors and their students in the universities in North America, found that “[c]ompliments often serve to initiate a conversation” (Manes & Wolfson 1981, 126) and sometimes replace greetings, and are surprisingly formulaic, and predictable. In Goffman's (1971) sense, paying each other compliments is a ritual.
These speech acts are found in some of the participants' perception of small talk. In the next example, Kimo reacting to Karashi, explains that people do not talk about anything important in small talk, and gives a very brief example of what Kimo considers to be small talk.
7.1 Remark and disclosure
| 「今日寒くない? |
| "kyou samuknai? |
| わかる ~ 去年より寒くない? |
| wakaru ~ kyonen yori samukunai? |
| そうだよね ~ 。 |
| soudayone ~. |
| なんか最近おかしいよね・・」この程度とかでも雑談だよ。(Kimo) |
| nanka saikin okashii yone.." kono teidotoka demo zatsudan dayo. |
| ‘"It's cold today, isn't it? |
| I know… it's colder than last year? |
| Yes, I know… |
| Something is not right these days …" – Even something simple like this, it's still small talk.’ |
“It's cold today, isn't it?” is a ‘remark’ according to Edmonson & House (1981), and it provides a common topic. A similar example also appears in (27). Talking about weather is indeed a common topic in small talk (Davis 2004). ‘Disclose’ is another inventory of the phatic cluster, and there are several examples in the data. The following post is a hypothetical conversational dialogue that the contributor, Piko, thought would comfort Karashi, with the intention that any conversation, no matter how trivial, is fine.
| 「最近逆むけが 酷くって困ってるの。 |
| "saikin sakamuke ga hidokutte komatteru no. |
| 今○○を 使っているんだけどイマイチね ~ 」 |
| ima ○○ wo tsukatteirundakedo imaichi ne ~" |
| すると相手から話してくれますよ。 |
| suruto aite kara hanashite kuremasu yo. |
| 「私もよ。 私は△△。 ちょっとおすすめよ」 |
| "watashimoyo. watashiwa △△. chotto osusume yo" |
| 「本当?○○よりも良いかしら?」 |
| "hontou ○○ yorimo yoikashira?" |
| 「○○は使ったことないけど、××よりもしっとりするよ」 |
| "○○wa tukattakoto naikedo, ×× yorimo shittorisuru yo" |
| 「良さそうね ! 最近出た商品 なの?」 |
| "yosasou ne! saikin deta shouhin nano?" |
| 「昔からあるわね」(Piko) |
| "mukashikara aru wane" |
| ‘"I've been having a lot of problems recently with hangnails. I'm using ○○ at the moment, but it's not very good…" |
| Then the other person will tell you. |
| "Me too. I'm using △△. I recommend it" |
| "Really? Is it better than ○○?" |
| "I've never used ○○, but it's more moisturising than ××" |
| "Sounds good! Is this a new product?" |
| "It's been around for a long time"’ |
The hypothetical dialogue starts with Piko's disclosure of hangnail issues, and the interlocutor says s/he has the same problem, recommending a certain hand cream. Piko asks about the hand cream, and the interlocutor answers. Piko thinks that ‘disclose’ can develop conversation. Another participant, Mama, finds topics regarding mistakes and silly stories about her children can develop conversation.
| だんだん子供の失敗談や おバカ話が 自分では話しやすいと気付いたので |
| dandan kodomo no shippaidan ya obaka banashi ga jibun dewa hanashiyasui to kizuita node |
| ネタを常に何個か 持つように。おかしないい間違えとか、寝ぼけた話とか。 |
| neta wo tsuneni nanko ka motsu youni. okashina iimachigae toka, neboketa hanashi toka (Mama) |
| ‘I gradually realised that it was easier for me to talk about my children's mistakes and silly stories, so I always have a few stories in stock. For example, funny mispronunciations, sleepwalking stories, and so on.’ |
Such talk can be classified as ‘disclosure'. Such light-hearted self-disclosure is useful as part of the repertoire of small talk because it is sufficiently public and non-threatening to everyone (except perhaps Mama's children).
7.2 Complimenting
Complimenting has been brought up frequently in this discussion thread. In section 6.8 on aisatsu, Zen suggests that complimenting is a key to small talk, and Tama explains that people exchange compliments and pleasantries in small talk. These folk conceptualisations of complimenting support Manes & Wolfson's (1981) study arguing that compliments can initiate interaction and can even replace greetings.
The following example describes a reciprocal aspect of offering compliments.
| 会話のコツは相手を褒めることだと思います。相手を褒めると |
| kaiwa no kotsu wa aite wo homerukotodato omoimasu. aite wo homeru to |
| 「じゃああなたは?」というボールが返ってくる。 (Hana) |
| “jaa anatawa?” toiu bouru ga kaette kuru. |
| ‘One of the keys to a successful conversation is to compliment the interlocutor. When you give a compliment to the other person, s/he will return the compliment to you.’ |
8 Conclusion
The frequently occurring content words reveal how participants' perceptions about small talk are conceptualised and related to social norms. Small talk is considered as having relational significance, and thus mutual contributions, ‘offering each other something small’ is expected. Something small can be aisatsu (greetings), aizuchi (conversational feedback), egao (smile), asking questions (showing interest), a remark (saying something obvious), disclosure (sharing information about one's life), or compliments. Some participants describe common patterns (kata) of small talk which typically include these ingredients, and they emphasise mutual contributions and balancing obligations as social norms. If ‘ritual’ is defined as an embodiment of mutually understood social norm which safeguards mutual face, then small talk which is conceptualised through the folk notion of zatsudan is considered a ritual.
As online communities have their own target audience, micro-cultures and customs, reflecting their values and attitudes towards small talk, the data from this study should not be taken as a general reflection of Japanese culture at large.
However, further typification of speech acts and comparative studies across different cultures and languages will undoubtedly deepen our understanding of small talk.
References
Bardsley, Jan and Laura Miller (eds.). 2011. Manners and mischief: Gender, power, and etiquette in Japan. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
Blackmore, Susan. 2007. Imitation makes us human. In Charles Pasternak (ed.), What Makes Us Human? Oxford: Oneworld, 1–17. In C. Pasternak (ed.) What Makes Us Human? Oneworld, pp. 1–17.
Bourdieu, Pierre. 1990. The logic of practice. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
Brown, Penelope and Stephen Levinson. 1987. Politeness: Some universals in language usage. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Coupland, Justine. 2003. Small talk: Social functions. Research on Language and Social Interaction 36(1). 1–6.
Davis, Catherine Evans. 2004. Developing awareness of crosscultural pragmatics: The case of American/German sociable interaction. Multilingua 23. 207–231.
Edmondson, Willis and Juliane House. 1981. Let's talk, and talk about it: A pedagogic interactional grammar of English. Munich: Urban & Schwarzenberg.
Garfinkel, Harold. 1964. Studies of the routine grounds of everyday activities. Social Problems 11(3). 225–250.
Goffman, Erving. 1967. Interaction ritual: Essays on face-to-face behavior. New York, NY: Anchor Books.
Goffman, Erving. 1971. Relations in public. New Brunswick, NJ: Transactions.
House, Juliane and Dániel, Kádár. 2022a. Altered speech act indication: A contrastive pragmatic study of English and Chinese Thank and Greet expressions. Lingua 264. 1–20.
House, Juliane and Dániel, Kádár. 2022b. Analysing phatic interaction through speech acts – A discussion note. Acta Linguistica Academica 69(3). 381–391. https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2022.00533.
Ide, Risako. 2009. Aisatsu. In S. Gunter, J. Östman and J. Verschueren (eds.) Culture and language use. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 18–28.
Kádár, Dániel. 2013. Relational rituals and communication: Ritual interaction in groups. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
Kádár, Dániel. 2017. Politeness, impoliteness and ritual: Maintaining the moral order in interpersonal interaction. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Kádár, Dániel and Michael Haugh. 2013. Understanding politeness. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Leech, Geoffrey. 1983. Principles of pragmatics. London: Longman.
Malinowski, Bronislaw. 1923. Supplement 1: The problem of meaning in primitive languages. In C. K. Ogden and I. A. Richards (eds.) The meaning of meaning. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. 296–336.
Manes, Joan and Nessa Wolfson. 1981. The compliment formula. In F. Coulmas (ed.) Conversational routine: Explorations in standardized communication situations and prepatterned speech. The Hague: Mouton Publishers. 116–132.
Murayama, Hiroshi and Ikuko Sugawara. 2022. Decreased frequency of small talk due to the COVID-19 pandemic has deteriorated mental health: Findings from longitudinal surveys of middle-aged and older people in Japan. Asia Pacific Journal of Public Health 34(5). 565–568.
Ohashi, Jun. 2008. Linguistic rituals for thanking in Japanese: Balancing obligations. Journal of Pragmatics 40(12). 2150–2174.
Ohashi, Jun. 2010. Balancing obligations: Bowing and linguistic features in thanking in Japanese. Journal of Politeness Research: Language, Behavior, Culture 6. 183–214.
Ohashi, Jun. 2013. Thanking and politeness in Japanese: Balancing acts in interaction. Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan.
Ohashi, Jun. 2021. Feedback in Japanese and Australian first encounters. Journal of Pragmatics 184. 29-51.
Ohashi, Jun, Wei-Lin Melody, Chang. 2017. (Im)politeness and relationality. In J. Culpeper, M. Haugh and D. Kádár (eds.) The Palgrave handbook of linguistic (im)politeness. Palgrave, pp. 257–285.
Schneider, Klaus. 1987. Topic selection in phatic communication. Multilingua 6(3). 247–256.
Wenger, Etienne. 1998. Communities of practice: Learning as a social system. Systems Thinker 9(5). 2–3.
https://www.vice.com/en/article/4adjpm/how-to-make-small-talk-after-weve-been-through-a-pandemic <accessed 12-2-2023>.
https://www.theguardian.com/money/2022/jan/29/covid-got-your-tongue-how-to-relearn-the-lost-art-of-office-small-talk <accessed 12-2-2023>.
All the participants' handle names were anonymised.
